Introduction
Ageing is high on the political agenda in many countries and international organisations, which is not surprising considering that to some authors it ‘may be the most far-reaching process defining the economic, fiscal, and social changes societies are likely to experience over the next 40 years’ (Bogetic et al. 2015, p. 4). The United Nations (UN) spearheaded ageing policy development with the first World Assembly on Ageing in Vienna, Austria, in 1982 (United Nations 1982). In 1991, the UN General Assembly adopted the ‘United Nations Principles for Older Persons’, (United Nations 1991) and in 2002, a second World Assembly was held in Madrid (United Nations 2002). The principles were couched in a positive tone, appreciating the contribution that older people make to their societies.
Despite laudable initiatives such as these, population ageing has a bad press: a study of articles on The Economist published between January 1997 and April 2008 found that 168 out of 262 articles portrayed population ageing as a burden (Martin et al. 2009). Among many non-academic economic commentators, it seems to be causing or going to cause all sorts of problems: population ageing is a ‘crisis’ (Bank 1994), a ticking economic ‘time bomb’ (Venneberg and Eversole 2010), an ‘agequake’ (Wallace 2001), a ‘silver tsunami’ (Fox 2001), a ‘demographic winter’ (Geinoz et al. 1989; Dumont 2008), a ‘shift’ with seismic consequences (Little and Triest 2001), or the ‘gray dawn’ (Peterson 1999) that will bring forth the ‘coming generational storm’ (Kotlikoff and Burns 2005)—what Domingo termed a ‘demodystopia’, that is, a dystopia ‘brought about by demographic change or that make population matters a salient concern, (Domingo 2008, p. 725). According to Katz, this ‘alarmist demography’ is a consequence of the power/knowledge 1 dominant relations in Western society (Katz 1992). Some academic economists also see population ageing as a source of negative effects on the economy—for example, on the financial markets, there is an ‘assets meltdown’ hypothesis (Mankiw and Weil 1989; Poterba 2001)—see Chap. 9 in Volume III. US economist Paul Samuelson, in the first edition of his well-known introductory textbook, asserted: ‘The first lesson in economics is: things are often not what they seem’ (Samuelson 1948, p. 8). We will see along this book whether or not the situation is as apocalyptic as it seems.
In part, this negative slant is a consequence of purposeful spin, that is, of ‘telling a media story which frames events, character and conduct in a way that creates a particular mood and may lead to desired political outcomes’ (Burns et al. 2016, p. 4). Whether this reflects a wider ‘neoliberal governance’ (De Angelis 2003; Kunow 2014) agenda as Davidson (2016) affirms or can be characterised as part of the ‘politics of fiscal squeeze’ (Hood et al. 2014) is not discussed in this book. Setting aside ideological or any ill-based reasons, this alarmist discourse to some extent also reflects an ambiguity that permeates most policy approaches to economics and population ageing: on the one hand, increasing longevity is a success story that is to be celebrated; on the other, it would be putting an almost insurmountable pressure on the public purse and denting resources that could be used elsewhere. This tension—‘a tad schizophrenic’, to borrow from McDaniel (2009, p. 686D)—is felt in report after report, policy document after policy document. Interestingly, the French historian Georges Minois mentions that a similar ambiguity is found throughout the whole of history concerning public attitudes to individual ageing: trying to prolong one’s days but complaining about or fearing the ‘evils’ of old age at the same time (Minois 1989).
Minois’s finding is not unexpected because, as much as population ageing, individual ageing is also considered a foe: humankind has been waging a war since at least the Sumer civilisation (as recorded, for example, in the Edwin Smith Papyrus dating from ca. 1500 bc) to prevent, postpone, or reverse individual ageing or to achieve the related goal of prolonging life. 2
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