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âMuslims Donât Integrateâ
One Christmas, my aunt invited our extended family to her house for dinner. We split the menu: one family made canapés; one roasted a leg of lamb; one prepared the trimmings. The day before, I went out with my mum to buy two turkeys, which we brined in a bath of salt and spices. The following morning, we marinated them and put them in the oven; every hour we took them out and basted them with their juices. In the aft ernoon on Christmas Day, thirty of us gathered together. We laid out the food on the dining table and, aft er several photographs, we settled down to eat.
This scene plays out in countless Muslim households, not just in the West, but across the world. I remember a visit to Pakistan many years ago. On Christmas Eve, my cousin took me to the livestock market. We purchased a live turkey and gave it to the nearby butcher. He handed us a carcass, plucked and skinned, and I carried it home in a plastic bag. The next day, we cooked it in a tandoor oven, covered in yoghurt and spices, and ate it with mashed potato and roasted vegetables. My Pakistani family, who are mostly unfamiliar with Western Christmas traditions, relished the experience.
When I was six years old, my schoolteacher knitted miniature stockings for every student in her class. We hung them on a Christmas tree that stood in the middle of our classroom and, at the end of term, we took them home. I remember it vividly â the novelty and excitement. Once I emptied the stocking of its sweets, I carried it everywhere. That year, it accompanied me to Pakistan and I recall clutching the stocking carefully when I rode on a horse-drawn carriage for the very first time. As a child, my parents took me to visit Father Christmas every year. His grotto sat in the middle of the Arndale Centre in Manchester, a line of families coiled permanently around it. Each time, my parents waited for over an hour so that I could do what other children did â meet Father Christmas and get a Christmas present from him.
Sometimes I wonder why my parents were so laidback, why they didnât worry about these things conflicting with our faith. At high school, I was part of the choir. Every Christmas and Easter, we performed a series of concerts in the cityâs churches. At home, my parents listened to me practising the hymns and carols about Jesus; sometimes they asked me to perform them in front of the family. I asked my mother about this once and she replied with typical nonchalance: âWell, Jesus is our prophet too, you know. We just donât see him as the Son of God.â Then she dismissed my question altogether. âThereâs nothing wrong with any of this, with singing carols, with Christmas dinners. Thereâs no harm to it at all.â
The Christmas break marks a rare moment in the year when my family isnât working, when weâre able to relax and spend quality time together, when we can nourish ourselves with food and television. I might be a Muslim, but it has been easy to make space in my life for Christmas. Knowing that, across the country, people are coming together like my family does, I feel connected to something bigger and more profound than the limits of my existence. I am a Muslim, but Christmas does this for me. I see no problem with that. So it hurts to witness the conflicts that are created by something as innocent as Muslims celebrating Christmas.
In recent years, The Great British Bake Off has become Britainâs most successful cultural export. The show has been sold to 196 territories and the series format licensed to at least twenty. Wholesomeness plays a large part in its success. Thereâs little of the melodrama that reality television is renowned for. Bake Off is a simple baking competition and, trophy aside, the victor is promised very little in the way of reward. But it has also exposed the progressively tribal (and Islamophobic) nature of Western society.
The finale to the sixth series was the most-watched show of 2015, viewed by over 15 million people in Britain. The winner was Nadiya Hussain, a thirty-year-old woman from Luton. Nadiyaâs success was potent. A friend of mine, who shares Nadiyaâs Bengali heritage, recalled the night of the finale. Her entire family had huddled around the television to watch it. And when Nadiya won, every single one of them â even the stoic-looking uncles â cried with happiness. I can only imagine what Nadiyaâs success meant to those men, who had come to Britain in the 1960s and 1970s, who had never seen a British Bengali like them achieve such public success, who never thought it was possible.
Nadiya was extremely popular with the public and this popularity appeared to break boundaries. Here was a Muslim woman who wore the hijab; she obsessed over cake and talked openly about her struggle with anxiety. It was far removed from the stereotypes that portray Muslim women as fragile and oppressed. But her presence on the show didnât only humanize Muslim women, it seemed to help alter perceptions of Muslims as a whole. Professor Ted Cantle at the Institute of Community Cohesion claimed Nadiya had done more âfor British-Muslim relations than 10 years of government policyâ.1
Nadiyaâs popularity has allowed her to transition into a media career. She now fronts cookery shows on television and publishes novels and recipe books; Nadiya is one of the most famous Muslim figures in Britain. But the price of her success is an endless torrent of abuse.
In October 2017, Nadiya published a column for BBC Good Food magazine, sharing her Christmas recipes and tips. A summary of the article was published in the Mail Online. Soon, the comments section beneath was inundated with messages from furious readers: âTelling us how to celebrating Christmas? Are you ******* serious. The media is out of control with its pc agenda [sic]â; âChristmas advice from a Muslim! How dare a Muslim woman offer her thoughts on celebrating Christmasâ; âWhy do I want tips about how to celebrate Christmas from this woman? Would she like mine on how to celebrate Eid?â2
On Twitter, Nadiya wrote that she had read the messages before going to sleep. They had given her nightmares. Later, she said:
I get abuse for merely existing. Too brown to be English. Too Muslim to be British. Too Bengali to eat fish fingers! There is no end! I exist, we all do! Some days I hate myself for simply breathing the same air that I am so oft en told I am not en -titled to.3
This is the harm of Islamophobia â the pain of never being enough for some. Itâs no coincidence that Nadiya has linked her struggle with anxiety to racism she experienced as a child.4 We end up directing the rejection and abuse inwards, at great personal cost. Whatâs unfair about this isnât just the hate; itâs that Islamophobes canât decide what they want from us. First they claim that Muslims wonât integrate. The Danish Peopleâs Party, for example, demands that Muslims celebrate Christmas to prove their âDanishnessâ.5 But when we do, Islamophobes complain that weâre diluting and undoing the Western way of life.
Nadiyaâs experience made me reflect on this contradiction. In the West, minorities are expected to shoulder the burden of integration; we keep peddling the stereotype that Muslims refuse to integrate into our societies. But here was a Muslim who had won the most popular competition on television, being the best at that quintessentially British pastime â baking. What more did the haters want from her? Which other measure of integration did they prefer? I soon realized that if Nadiyaâs baking excellence, her honesty and approachability, and her participation in a key Western holiday werenât enough to insulate her from Islamophobia, the criticisms actually had nothing to do with her conduct. And I understood that if Nadiya couldnât be insulated from the abuse (not that Iâm saying she should be, simply because sheâs successful or visible, a âgood immigrantâ), the rest of us had no chance. The problem wasnât her integration. The problem was her existence; the audacity that somebody could feel they belonged, to such an extent that they took up space in our media.
At the same time, Christmas is a flashpoint for puritanical Muslims fearful that our communities are abandoning Islam whilst living in the West. Last Christmas Day, when my turkeys were roasting in the oven, I decamped to the living room and logged on to Twitter. I scrolled down my timeline, past food photographs and Christmas anecdotes, past articles about television specials and affirmations for the lonely. It was all so heart-warming. âMerry Christmasâ was trending.
Thereâs a long-running conversation about whether Muslims can celebrate Christmas and I saw this reflected on Twitter too. The vast majority of tweets were jovial, making fun of those arguing that saying the words âMerry Christmasâ was sinful, or âharamâ. But there were a few posts â backed by videos from religious preachers â that insisted Christmas was wrong.
I clicked on the videos. The preachers had two main objections: that imitating non-believers was a sin and that celebrating a non-Muslim festival was bidâah â a betrayal of Islamic doctrine or heresy. Aft er watching a video with Assim Al-Hakeem, a conservative Saudi scholar, I searched out videos featuring Zakir Naik and Muft i Menk. Both Naik and Menk hold considerable influence in some Muslim communities. Naik is an Indian preacher and Menk the Grand Muft i of Zimbabwe; both argued that getting involved in Christmas was the same as endorsing the belief that Jesus was the Son of God and that, they claimed, was blasphemous.
I laughed at these arguments, remembering how Prophet Muhammad fasted on the day of Yom Kippur in solidarity with the Jewish tribes of Medina. The scholars of Al-Azhar University, the most prestigious religious institution in Sunni Islam, had also clarified this issue. In 2009, they said, âThere is no harm in congratulating non-Muslims with whom you have a family relationship, or that are neighbours of yours.â6 I particularly enjoyed a comment written in Urdu on Twitter, addressed to the joyless Muslim preachers that interfered in our lives with their inane remarks. It went along the lines of: âMy commitment to Islam isnât so fragile that wishing somebody a âMerry Christmasâ could weaken my faith. Develop your own faith in God so that Christmas wishing seems ordinary and doesnât hurt your religious views.â
But thereâs no doubt that as easily as I dismiss this panic amongst Muslims, there are those who are deeply conflicted by it. When I started thinking about Muslim stereotypes around integration, I returned to these videos, wondering why some Muslims, especially those of us living in the West, are so compelled by a narrative that renders any involvement in Christmas a sin. The videos reminded me of the arbitrary conflict drawn between Islam and the most important celebration in the Western calendar. That conflict, triggered here by the mere words âMerry Christmasâ, represented a whole canvas of barriers sewn together by leaders in our communities, intent on making life more difficult for us than it needs to be.
I asked the British poet and activist Suhaiymah Manzoor-Khan about how she understood the conversation about integration to operate within and outside Muslim communities. She pointed out that both of these conversations were completely separate, although they superficially appeared to be parallel:
What I mean by that is, the first conversation [the Islamophobes claiming that Muslims donât integrate] is about race and nation. The second conversation [conservative Muslims arguing that we mustnât integrate] stems from a very legitimate question about what it means to have faith in a secular society. What does it mean to try to live a life of submission to divine will in a society that doesnât cater to that?
Itâs worth thinking this point through. Certain Muslims do have reservations about celebrating Christmas simply because it is an expression of the Christian faith. Some go on to believe that participating in another religionâs festivals and beliefs may contradict their commitment to Islam. But Manzoor-Khanâs argument concerns Muslims for whom Christmas raises bigger questions about identity and their place in Western society. Many Muslims oppose parts of Western culture only because they are afraid of losing their own norms, so rejecting Christmas is a symptom of that. She added: âA lot of this [hostility] is the voice of traumatized generations of migrants who are trying to hold on to cultural norms that are threatened by living in a society where theyâre completely minoritized and excluded.â From personal experience, I know this to be true: though my parents were relaxed about Christmas when I was a child, they had certain limits (for example, we werenât allowed to have a Christmas tree). But these boundaries disappeared in my adulthood; they went on to embrace every Christmas tradition that I brought into our home, and that is, I believe, because they felt the task of ensuring I grew up with a strong grasp of my religious and cultural identities was complete.
Although the conversations around integration that take place both within and outside of Muslim communities are only casually connected, I still believe itâs worth having them simultaneously. Very oft en, Muslims end up rejecting the West using the exact same logic and rhetoric that Islamophobes level at us â as the controversies around Christmas make clear.
What are we referring to when we talk about integration? For decades, Britain never bothered with a coherent integration policy. It still doesnât have one. But in March 2018, the government published an âIntegrated Communities Strategy Green Paperâ which at least defined what it meant by integration. Integrated communities, it said, are ones âwhere people â whatever their background â live, work, learn and socialize together, based on shared rights, responsibilities and opportunitiesâ.7 This is helpful, but only to an extent. Social cohesion is ultimately about all communities enjoying the same right to fully participate in society. Integration is actually then, I believe, the work of eliminating discrimination and generating this equality of opportunity.
Other countries have been thinking about integration far longer than Britain and have more to offer on what it involves.8 The Australian policy on multiculturalism ends up describing it as a kind of social contract. We all receive the same rights and responsibilities; upholding those responsibilities benefits everyone and forges a proper society. The National Integration Plan of Germany sets out what those responsibilities would look like. For newcomers to German society, itâs the responsibility to get involved, to accept its legal system and to show belonging by learning the language. For the government, itâs the responsibility to offer courses and opportunities that facilitate integration. For broader German society, itâs the responsibility to show acceptance, tolerance and a willingness to we...