NOTES
INTRODUCTION
1. Which half? Top or bottom? Right or left? Such questions are met with
quizzical looks. Apparently, the only appropriate answers are âmy motherâ or âmy father.â
2. While moving beyond the color line is deeply important to overcoming seemingly irreconcilable differences between human groups, it will not move us beyond the other kinds of lines (political, genealogical, historical, cultural, socioeconomic, religious) that race often represents. Indeed, my book is an attempt to counterintuitively think about race as a concept already beyond the color line. See Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture Beyond the Color Line (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000).
3. It is no coincidence that I became interested in these questions while living in Germany, a country that in the last twenty years has seen an enormous growth of Jewish museums, Jewish organizations, Jewish archives, and perhaps most interestingly, Jewish communities. This is not simply because of a rising birth-rate among German Jews. First, with the fall of Communism, there was a huge wave of post-Soviet Jewish immigration to Germany. Second, many Germans have discovered that one or more grandparents were Jewish, perhaps even just âhalf-Jewishâ; this has (partially) motivated many to convert or âreturnâ to Judaism. See Barbara Kessel, Suddenly Jewish: Jews Raised as Gentiles Discover Their Jewish Roots (Hanover: University Press of New England, 2000).
4. On the curious history of archives and definitions of Jewishness in Germany, see Deborah Hertz, How Jews Became Germans: The History of Conversion and Assimilation in Berlin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 1â16. Though I learned of Hertzâs work long after proposing my exhibit to the Jewish Museum, there is an uncanny resonance between the logic displayed in the actual Judenkartei that Hertz stumbled upon and in the chart that I imagined.
5. Particularly in the 1980s and â90s, there were good economic reasons to attempt to prove oneâs Jewish identity in Germany. If immigrants to Germany could prove that they were Jewish, they were eligible for various state benefits and financial assistance. This aspect of the Jewish Question added a new reason for some people to feel suspicious about their new âbrethren.â See Larissa Remennick, â âIdealists Headed to Israel, Pragmatics Chose Europeâ: Identity Dilemmas and Social Incorporation among Former Soviet Jews Who Migrated to Germany,â â Immigrants & Minorities 23.1 (2005).
6. The irony, of course, is that one of the most inclusive definitions of Jewishness was established by the Nuremburg Laws of 1935. While I had a very positive first meeting with the curatorial committee, when I introduced this aspect of the exhibit (at the second meeting), I received an icy reaction. âWhy do you want to complicate things?â the curator asked. âWhy not choose normal Jews, real Jews, people we know are Jewish?!â The questions persist, particularly in Israel where Jews with even the most ânormalâ Jewish biographies are asked to prove their Jewish matrilineage. See Gershom Gorenberg, âHow Do You Prove Youâre a Jew?,â New York Times, March 2, 2008.
7. Jacques Derrida, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression, trans. Eric Prenowitz (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 91.
8. Ibid., 68.
9. See Harold Bloom, The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997).
10. Freud, Moses and Monotheism, 103.
11. Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Freudâs Moses: Judaism Terminable and Interminable (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 2.
12. Ibid., 9â10. Yerushalmi derives his notion of the Psychological Jew from Philip Rieff, Freud: The Mind of the Moralist (New York: Viking Press, 1959).
13. Yerushalmi, Freudâs Moses, 11.
14. Ibid., xvii.
15. Thus, where Freud ironically denied knowing what a menorah was and asserted that he knew no Hebrew, Yerushalmi finds that Freud was far âmoreâ Jewish than he let on: not only was his mother tongue probably Yiddish, he also knew a fair amount about particular Jewish holidays, rituals, and historic figures. Yerushalmi, Freudâs Moses, 64â79.
16. Thus Yerushalmi dedicates his book Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory to âthe memory of my father Yehuda Yerushalmi for the loving gift of a living past and to my son Ariel who brings joy to the present and past into future.â Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Zakhor: Jewish History and Jewish Memory (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996), v.
17. Interestingly, Yerushalmi does not mention his training or brief position as a rabbi in his books or in his âautobiographical studyâ in âYerushalmi, Yosef Hayim (1932â),â Contemporary Authors Online, The Gale Group (2002).
18. Yerushalmi and Frédéric Brenner, Marranes (Paris: Editions de la Différence, 1992), 44. Quoted in Derrida, Archive Fever, 70.
19. Peter SchĂ€fer argues that âYerushalmiâs attempt to fetch him [Freud] home to the Jewish fold can probably be termed a failure.â In particular, he takes issue with Yerushalmiâs presumptuous use of Jakob Freudâs presentation of a Hebrew Bible to his son, Sigmund, as the key piece of evidence. Yerushalmi and other scholars have seen the Hebrew dedication in melitzah (a form of poetry composed entirely in allusive Hebrew quotations) as the key evidence proving that, contrary to Sigmundâs protestations, he could probably read Hebrew and was more Jewish than he let on. SchĂ€fer argues that there is no evidence that Sigmund could actually read the dedication: Jakob wrote the dedication in Hebrew âjust because such dedications were traditionally written in Hebrew.â See Peter SchĂ€fer, âThe Triumph of Pure Spirituality: Sigmund Freudâs Moses and Monotheism,â Jewish Studies Quarterly 9 (2002), 384. In my work, such debates are irrelevant: Perhaps Sigmund learned Hebrew, perhaps he did not. Perhaps some Hebrew words looked or sounded familiar, perhaps they did not. What is more important, or rather more interesting, is Freudâs own circuitous explorations of what does make a person Jewish and how this Jewishness has survived despite all odds.
20. I am resisting the temptation to interrupt this discussion with excursive acknowledgments of my own situation. Most explicitly: As neither a son nor a father nor a rabbi, I am aware that I am breaking into a sort of sacred chain of homosocial transference and transmission, both Jewish and psychoanalytic. Where Freud, Yerushalmi, and Derrida wrote their seminal books (Moses and Monotheism, Freudâs Moses, and Archive Fever, respectively) after establishing their scholarly reigns and producing both biological and non-biological sons, is it not somewhat outrageous for a young woman to explore these matters as a first foray in the world of scholarship, Judaism, and psychoanalysis? The question of whether a daughter can speak in her own name is raised by both Yerushalmi and Derrida: Freudâs Moses, 100; Archive Fever, 43. These questions are echoed (or anticipated?) by Liliane Weissberg: âHow should we position ourselves as readers ⊠vis-Ă -vis the figure of ⊠Freud, if we are circumcised, not yet circumcised, or worseâa woman?â Weissberg, âIntroduction: Freudian Genealogies,â The Germanic Review 83.1 (2008), 10.
21. Throughout this book, I refer to Freudâs final book as Moses and Monotheism (the English title of the 1939 translation by Katherine Jones and of James Stracheyâs version in The Standard Edition). A literal translation of Freudâs German title would be The Man Moses and the Monotheistic Religion: Three Essays.
22. Freud, âThe Dynamics of Transference,â 99n92.
23. Like most jokes, the origins of this joke are unknown. Freud is reported to have discussed it with Otto Rank sometime before 1908. Rank incorporated the question of Mosesâ origins into his Myth of the Birth of the Hero, which (though not cited by Freud) is an explicit forerunner of Freudâs theory about Mosesâ origins. Freud later presents the joke in his Introductory Lectures on Psycho-Analysis (161), but he most fully explored its contours twenty years later in Moses and Monotheism. Finally (though who can say what âfinallyâ will be?), Yerushalmi presents ...