NOTES
Abbreviations
In addition to the abbreviations used in the text, the following abbreviations are used in the notes.
- AdsD/FES
- Archiv der sozialen Demokratie/Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Bonn/Bad Godesberg
- BAF
- Bundesarchiv-MilitÀrarchiv, Freiburg im Breisgau
- BAK
- Bundesarchiv, Koblenz
- DBDr
- Deutscher Bundestag. Anlagen zu den stenographischen Berichten. Drucksache
- DKOV
- Deutsche Kriegsopferversorgung
- IfZ
- Institut fĂŒr Zeitgeschichte, Munich
- NARS
- National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C.
- OMGUS
- Office of Military Government, United States
- PAB
- Parlamentsarchiv, Bonn
- PRO
- Public Record Office, Kew, England
- VDB
- Verhandlungen des Deutschen Bundestags. I. Wahlperiode 1949. Stenographische Berichte
Chapter 1
1. The unification of the state organizations in the KyffhĂ€userbund followed the building of a monument celebrating German unification that had been sponsored by the veteransâ organizations. The monument, a classic example of the bombastic style of Wilhelmine public monuments, was built on the KyffhĂ€user, a mountain in central Germany. According to German legend, the Hohenstaufen Emperor Frederick Barbarossa resided in the mountain, from which he would come to rescue Germany in time of crisis. On the early history of German veteransâ organizations and the formation of the KyffhĂ€userbund, see Alfred Westphal, âDie Kriegervereine,â in Deutschland als Weltmacht. Vierzig Jahre Deutsches Reich, herausgegeben vom Kaiser-Wilhelm-Dank (Berlin, 1911), and Wilhelm Reinhard, âDer N.S.-Reichskriegerbund,â in Das Dritte Reich im Aufbau, Band 3 (Berlin, 1939). Also cf. Christopher James Elliott, âThe Kriegervereine and the Weimar Republic,â Journal of Contemporary History 10/1 (January 1975): 1â2.
2. Eckart Kehr, âZur Genesis des Königlich Preussischen Reserveoffiziers,â in Der Primat der Innenpolitik. Gesammelte AufsĂ€tze zur preussisch-deutschen Sozialgeschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Hans-Ulrich Wehler (Berlin, 1965). On the conversion of the veteransâ organizations into a âbulwark against Social Democracy,â see Klaus Saul, âDer âDeutsche Kriegerbund.â Zur innenpolitischen Funktion eines ânationalenâ Verbandes im kaiserlichen Deutschland,â MilitĂ€rgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 1969/1. See also Reinhard Höhn, Sozialismus und Heer, Band 3 (Bad Harzburg, 1969), and Martin Kitchen, The German Officer Corps, 1890â1914 (London, 1968), chapters 6â7.
3. Westphal, âDie Kriegervereine,â p. 762.
4. On the pacifist subculture and its relation to the dominant culture, see Roger Chickering, Imperial Germany and a World without War: The Peace Movement and German Society, 1892â1914 (Princeton, 1975). In addition to the Kriegervereine, there were other organizations that propagated antisocialist, antipacifist, and promilitary values. Two of the main ones were the German Army League (Deutscher Wehrverein) and the Young Germany League (Jungdeutschlandbund). On the former, see Marilyn S. Coetzee, The German Army League: Popular Nationalism in Wilhelmine Germany (Oxford, 1990). On the latter see Klaus Saul, âDer Kampf um die Jugend zwischen Volksschule und Kaserne. Ein Beitrag zur âJungendpflegeâ im Wilhelminischen Reich, 1890â1914,â MilitĂ€rgeschichtliche Mitteilungen, 1971/1, and Derek S. Linton, Who Has the Youth Has the Future: The Campaign to Save Toung Workers in Imperial Germany (Cambridge, 1991) .
5. KyffhĂ€user-Bund der Deutschen LandeskriegerverbĂ€nde, Sitzung des Vorstandes vom 30. und 31. Oktober 1915, NSDAP Hauptarchiv, folder 913. Most of the materials of the NSDAP Hauptarchiv are currently in the Bundesarchiv in Koblenz, Germany (Bestand NS26). The material is also available on microfilm as part of the Hoover Institution Microfilm Collection in Stanford, California. See Grete Heinz and Agnes F. Peterson, eds., NSDAP Hauptarchiv: Guides to the Hoover Institution Microfilm Collection (Stanford, 1964). For a detailed account of the KyffhĂ€userbundâs activity during the war based on these materials, see James M. Diehl, âThe Organization of German Veterans, 1917â1919,â Archiv fĂŒr Sozialgeschichte, 11 (1971).
6. The terms âforces of movementâ and âforces of order,â as well as the general analytical framework for their interplay during the war, are taken from Arno J. Mayer, Political Origins of the New Diplomacy, 1917â1918 (New York, 1970). On the founding of the Fatherland Party, see Dirk Stegemann, âZwischen Repression und Manipulation. Konservative Machteliten und Arbeiter- und Angestelltenbewegung, 1910â1918,â Archiv fĂŒr Sozialgeschichte 12 (1972).
7. Robert W. Whalen, Bitter Wounds: German Victims of the Great War, 1914â1939 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1984), chapters 6â7. For a contemporary comparative survey, see Edward T. Devine, Disabled Soldiers and Sailors Pensions and Training (New York, 1919).
8. For a concrete and crucial example of the importance of soldiers and the efforts of contending political factions to win their allegiance in Russia, see Alexander Rabinowitch, âThe Petrograd Garrison and the Bolshevik Seizure of Power,â in Revolution and Politics in Russia: Essays in Memory of B.I. Nicolaevsky, edited by Alexander Rabinowitch and Janet Rabinowitch (Bloomington, 1972). For a comparative overview, see Stephen R. Ward, ed., The War Generation: Veterans of the First World War (Port Washington, N.Y., 1975).
9. Although elections to Germanyâs national parliamentary body, the Reichstag, were based on universal suffrage, those to the Prussian diet, the Landtag, were still held on the basis of an antiquated and undemocratic three-class suffrage system that had been introduced during the wave of reaction that followed the abortive revolution of 1848. Based on the principle that representation should be proportional to the amount of direct taxes paid to the state, the Prussian three-class system gave enormous power to the wealthy while virtually disenfranchising the poorer members of society. In the 1898 elections to the Prussian Landtag, for example, two-thirds of the representatives were elected by less than 15 percent of the population. In 1913, although they polled nearly 30 percent of the vote, the Social Democrats won only 10 seats, while the Conservatives, who polled less than 15 percent, won 143. The manifest inequity of the three-class system was further compounded by indirect and public voting procedures as well as extensive gerrymandering.
10. On Kuttner, see Whalen, Bitter Wounds, pp. 121â24, 191.
11. VorwÀrts, 31 December 1916.
12. Ibid., 3 April 1917. Bericht des Bundesvorstandes mit Protokoll der Verhandlungen des 2. Reichsbundestages, WĂŒrzburg, 11.â15. Mai, herausgegeben vom Reichsbund der KriegsbeschĂ€digten, Kriegsteilnehmer, und Kriegshinterbliebenen (Berlin, [1920]), p. 18. See also Whalen, Bitter Wounds, pp. 119â21.
13. VorwÀrts, 4 June 1917.
14. For details, see Diehl, âOrganization,â and âGermany: Veteransâ Politics under Three Flags,â in The War Generation: Veterans of the First World War, edited by Stephen R. Ward (Port Washington, N.Y., 1975).
15. In this regard, it is interesting to note that shortly before the end of the war Westphal and other leaders of the KyffhĂ€userbund were taken for a tour by the Supreme Command through the recently conquered areas in the Baltic and Ukraine. Diehl, âOrganization,â p. 171.
16. The percentage of nondisabled veterans in the Reichsbund was only slightly over 12 percent; the increased emphasis on the problems of the survivors of those killed in the war was made evident when shortly after the end of the war the organizationâs name was changed to the National League of War-Disabled, War Veterans, and Survivors (Reichsbund der KriegsbeschĂ€digten, Kriegsteilnehmer, und Kriegshinterbliebenen).
17. On the wartime demands of the Kriegsopfer, see Diehl, âOrganization,â and Whalen, Bitter Wounds, chapter 8. For details on the changes in the system, see Helmut RĂŒhland, âEntwicklung, heutige Gestaltung und Problematik der Kriegsopferversorgung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschlandâ (Inaugural dissertation, UniversitĂ€t Köln, 1957), pp. 37â61, and Whalen, Bitter Wounds, chapters 9â10.
18. On the hardships suffered by German war widows, see, in addition to Whalen, Bitter Wounds, Karin Hausen, âThe German Nationâs Obligations to the Heroesâ Widows of World War I,â in Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars, edited by Margaret Randolph Higonnet et al. (New Haven, 1987).
19. Michael Geyer, âEin Vorbote des Wohlfahrtsstaates: Die Kriegsopferversorgung in Frankreich, Deutschland und Grossbritannien nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg,â Geschichte und Gesellschaft 9/2 (1983): 252, 255; Whalen, Bitter Wounds, pp. 133â36.
20. Political conflict was avoided, but the war victims did not necessarily gain as a result; above all, they failed to achieve one of their major wartime objectives: to be colegislators and not merely the objects of postwar legislation dealing with war victims. On the whole, as Michael Geyer has noted, the nature of the RVG served to diminish rather than to enhance the political position of German war victims. Geyer, âVorbote,â pp. 248â49, 255â58.
21. Ibid., pp. 237â41, 256.
22. For more on these omissi...