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Changing Configurations in Theories of Fictive Representation
Charting a course through the waters of theoretical speculation on the nature and function of fictive representation from earliest times to the present requires one to tack and turn to avoid shifting sandbanks. The reason for this tortuous path is that, while almost everything that has been said about fiction has been around for some time, the ways in which different schools of thought inflect these insights vary greatly, depending on whatever intellectual and ideological currents are flowing most powerfully when a particular theory is formulated. In this chapter, I provide an overview of the evolving ways in which fictive representation has been conceived in theory throughout history.
EMBODIED FICTIONS, OR FICTIONS AS SIGN? CLASSICAL PERSPECTIVES
Writing about 335 BC, Aristotle claimed that âpoetryâ (from Greek poiesis, or âmakingââthat is, a work of fictive invention) derives from mimÄsisâan instinct toward representation that is âinnate in human beings from childhood,â through which we learn and in which we gain pleasure.1 With respect to tragedy, which was the specific genre he was discussing, Aristotle believed that the function of the representation was to effect âthrough pity and fear the catharsis of such emotions.â2 Earlier, Simonides of Ceos (556â468 BC), according to Plutarch in his essay âDe gloria Atheniensiumâ (c. AD 100), had made the claim that âpainting [is] inarticulate poetry and poetry articulate painting.â3
These suppositionsâthat fictive representations have an educative purposeâwork through the delight they impart, have an emotional influence, and function like a speaking picture, were reiterated as commonplaces by subsequent classical authors, most notably Horace in his Ars Poetica (c. 19 BC), in which he asserted: âAut prodesse volunt, aut delectare poetae, / Aut simul et jucunda et idonea dicere vitaeâ (Poets aim either to benefit, or to amuse, or to utter words at once both pleasing and helpful to life),4 and claimed: âOmne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci, lectorem delectando pariterque monendoâ (The writer who has combined the pleasant with the useful wins on all points by delighting the reader while he gives advice).5 Following Simonides, Horace added: âUt pictura poesisâ (As a painting, so is a poem).6
Plato, in his Republic (c. 380 BC), countered this comparatively appreciative view of âpoetryâ by banishing poets from his ideal state on the grounds that âthe imitative art is an inferior who marries an inferior, and has inferior offspring.â7 Platoâs disapproval arose not only because poetry merely produces an imitation of an imitation, and hence has âan inferior degree of truthâ in relation to reality, but also because the poet âawakens and nourishes and strengthens the feelings and impairs the reason.â8 Here, Plato, like Aristotle, identified the affective power of fictive representation, but disapproved of its influence. Because of his dualistic separation of reason and emotion, and his privileging of the former at the expense of the latter, he saw the emotion aroused by poetry as subverting reason rather than assisting or complementing it in a beneficial way.
In these early classical perspectives on poetic imitation, we can see the beginnings of a split between two conceptualizations: one, a view of fiction as embodied, integral, and operating instrumentally to achieve an emotional as well as cognitive end; the other, a sense that the literal surface of the fictive invention is illusory and therefore untrustworthy, which means that it needs to be penetrated to find the âtruerâ reality of which its literal sense is an imperfect manifestation achieved at several removes. Both of these perspectives persisted throughout the centuries to come. The embodied conceptualization found new life during the Renaissance, as reflected in the great works of Sir Thomas More, Sir Philip Sidney, William Shakespeare, and John Milton. The dualistic view informed much of the literary activity of the Middle Ages. Both views are still very much with us, the former finding expression, for example, in cognitive criticism (but deprived of the affective dimension so valued during the Renaissance); the latter, in certain types of modern myth criticism (such as that of Northrup Frye) and various forms of psychoanalytic and poststructuralist criticism (such as that of Jacques Lacan).
THE EFFECTS OF CHRISTIAN CONVERSION: A MEDIEVAL BIFURCATION
Following the conversion of the Emperor Constantine, who ruled the Roman Empire from AD 306 to 337, and the rapid spread of Christianity throughout Europe, the second of the two classical perspectives on fictive representationâthat is, the Platonic notion of an ideal reality of which fiction presented an imperfect shadowâtook root in a method for interpreting the proper meaning of the Christian scriptures. One of the prime theorists for this method was Saint Augustine of Hippo (AD 354â430), who elaborated his theory of biblical exegesis in De Doctrina Christiana (On Christian Doctrine). According to Augustine, the narratives of the Bible are composed of âthingsâ and âsigns.â A âthingâ signifies âthat which is never employed as a sign of anything else: for example, wood, stone, cattle, and other things of that kind.â There is also a second category of things, those that, âthough they are things, are also signs of other things.â In addition, there is a third type: âthose which are never employed except as signs.â Accordingly, although âevery sign is also a thing,â the obverse is not true: âEvery thing . . . is not also a sign.â9
This system of biblical exegesis, which was grounded in a fundamental Platonic dualistic view of the world in relation to a transcendent âreality,â was easily and quickly transferred to the interpretation of secular literature in order to present it as âChristianized.â By adopting an allegorical method of interpretation, pagan subject matter, and the sensibility that accompanied it, could be considered compatible with Christian doctrine. One example of this allegorizing predisposition can be found in the late-Medieval French work LâOvide moralisĂ© (written between 1317 and 1328), which reinterprets Ovidâs Metamorphoses by turning it into an exemplum of Christian morality. In the story of Jason and Medea (Book VII), for example, whereas Ovid did not judge Jason adversely for his desertion of Medea, in LâOvide moralisĂ© he is denounced as âli maus trichierres, / Li faus, li desloiaus, li lierresâ (the evil trickster, the false, the disloyal one, the thief).10 A similar impulse can be found in De casibus virorum illustrium (On the Fall of Illustrious People), written between 1355 and 1360 by Giovanni Boccaccio, which recounts the calamities befalling famous historical figures apparently favored by Fortune, such as Priam, Hannibal, Dido, Cleopatra, Cicero, and King Arthur, to point up the moral that the only sure way of overcoming misfortune is to adhere to the Christian conception of virtue.
Counterpointing this highly didactic medieval approach to literature, which was designed to underline the teaching function of fiction, was a radically contrasting form of literature that aimed solely to entertainâthe existence of which attested to the extent to which Horaceâs mingling of utile dulci (profit and delight) had become unwound into two separate strands. The most colorful expression of this alternative mode of literature was the extremely scurrilous fabliau tradition that had arisen in France, Italy, and England, consisting of comic tales marked by sexual and scatological obscenity, anticlericalism, antifeminism, and anticourtliness. Examples of such fabliaux are Boccaccioâs Decameron (1353) and several of Geoffrey Chaucerâs Canterbury Tales (1387â1400)âfor example, âThe Reeveâs Taleâ and âThe Millerâs Taleââwhich were themselves merely a fraction of a vast corpus of unrecorded popular forms forming a very vibrant tradition.11
THE RENAISSANCE HUMANIST SYNTHESIS AND ITS AFTERMATH
For about a century during the English literary renaissance, the idea of fictive representation as an embodied process working through the emotions and the view that through it one can gain access to transcendental truths were brought together again in the Christian-humanist synthesis of the later sixteenth and the early seventeenth century. This was a period in which writers sought ways of reconciling a revived classical learning inspired by ancient Greece and Rome, which privileged the pursuit of rational wisdom through the persuasive eloquence of rhetoric, with the Calvinist-inspired theology of the Reformation in England with its emphasis on spirituality.12
One can register the change wrought by the revival of classicism in the comments of Sir Thomas More, one of the early English humanists, on the function of images, especially in relation to interpretation of the Bible. Whereas for Saint Augustine and later medieval exegetes, the literal sense had been less important than the allegorical meaning that could be extrapolated from it, More laid much more importance on the literal meaning itself, especially as conveyed through visual imagery: âYmages paynted / grauen / or carued / may be so well wrought and so nere to the quycke and to ye trouth / that they shall naturally / and moche more effectually represent the thynge then shall the name either spoken or wrytten.â13 To illustrate his point, More cited the visual impact of a crucifix: âThere is no man I wene so good nor so well lerned / nor in medytacyon so well accustomyd / but that he fyndyth himself more mouyd to pyte and compassion / vpon the beholdynge of the holy crucyfyxe / than whan he lackyth it.â14 As Plato and Aristotle had centuries earlier, More here acknowledged the moving power of fictive representation, working through images of sight, to arouse the emotions. Unlike Plato, however, More approved of this affective influence as a good thing because of its very instrumentality; indeed, he went as far as to say, in an insight that foreshadows the invention of cinema nearly 400 years later, that âsurely sauynge that men can not do it / els if it might commodiously be done / there were not in this worlde so effectuall wrytyng as were to expresse all thing in ymagery.â15
More transferred this belief in the innate connection of meaning to the literal sense, and the emotion it arouses through visualization, to the secular sphere in his practices as a writer of fiction. Rather than construct a fictive representation that was merely a pretext for delivering an allegorical significatio (i.e., decoded meaning), in which the fiction could be discarded like a husk once the kernel of signification had been extracted, he employed a fully dramatized, mimetic mode in writing Utopia (1516)âwhich Sir Philip Sidney recognized as the âmost absolute [way of] patterning a commonwealthâ because of how it exploits âthe feigned image of poesy.â16 In defining âpoesyâ (i.e., fictive representation) as âan art of imitation . . . that is to say, a representing, counterfeiting, or figuring forthâto speak metaphorically, a speaking picture,â17 Sidney was drawing on what Stephen Halliwell has identified as âa second family of meaningsâ in the word mimÄsis that is often ignored: the idea that fictive representation has to do with âmodel-building and imagination,â which signifies âa âworld simulatingâ or âworld creatingâ conception of artistic representationâ rather than a âworld reflectingâ one.18 This mode of fiction-making was to be the lifeblood of poetic creativity in England for the next hundred years and was to eventuate in some of the greatest works ever written in the English languageâor in any language, for that matter.
Sidney himself was the outstanding theoretician of this fusion of classical aesthetics with Christian spirituality in sixteenth-century England, elaborating a synthesis that survived in various forms until the twentieth century. Picking up on the classical theorists, Sidney, like More, alleged an affective power in the mimetic mode of fictive representation that is capable of moving the âpoetâ (and his readers) âinto another natureââwith âno small argument to the incredulous of that first accursed fall of Adam: since our erected wit maketh us know what perfection is, and yet our infected will keepeth us from reaching unto it.â19 The difference between Sidneyâs version of these ideas and the earlier formulations of Aristotle and Plato was that, for Sidney, as for More, poetry did not merely âmove,â but delighted âto move men to take that goodness in hand, which without delight they would fly as from a stranger, and teach, to make them know that goodness whereunto they are moved.â20
Although he lacked the scientific evidence that neuroscience has now supplied, Sidney intuited the processes of mind that lend peculiar force to fictive representations. Comparing philosophy and history with âpoesyâ (the sixteenth-century term for fictive representation) in terms of their relative effectiveness in conveying insights into how life should best be lived, Sidney concluded that the former two are inferior to the latter because, whereas philosophy prioritizes âpreceptâ and history focuses on âexample,â âboth, not having both, do both halt.â21 The writer of fiction, asserted Sidney, ...