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Religion, Culture and National Community in the 1670s
Tony Claydon, Thomas N. Corns, Tony Claydon, Thomas N. Corns
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Religion, Culture and National Community in the 1670s
Tony Claydon, Thomas N. Corns, Tony Claydon, Thomas N. Corns
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1
Paradise postponed: the nationhood of nuns in the 1670s
In 1672 the English Carmelite convent in Antwerp celebrated the fiftyÂyear anniversary of the profession of Anne of St Bartholomew (Ann Downs: 1593â1674). The occasion also marked the period she had spent in exile from her national homeland. When she died two years later her obituary included a copy of âthe verses made up on the occasion of her jubelyâ:1
Full half a hunderâd years agoe
heavens husband man began to sow
in Carmells garden English seed
which doth the virgins dowry breed.
The first fair seed how it did grow
a nobler poets pen should show.
heavens husband man began to sow
in Carmells garden English seed
which doth the virgins dowry breed.
The first fair seed how it did grow
a nobler poets pen should show.
This seed most small in its own eye
to the world dead, did fructify
to the world dead, did fructify
⊠solid tree not founded on sand
can thunder stormes and winds withstand
can thunder stormes and winds withstand
Its vertues branches still increase
stably shadowed ore with peace
even uncorrupt it seems to be
the Lord of Hoasts dwells in this tree.
ThĂŽ death quite round about did hew
of no decay this tree, it knew.
(SHC A1: 186; Hallett, 2007a: 64)
stably shadowed ore with peace
even uncorrupt it seems to be
the Lord of Hoasts dwells in this tree.
ThĂŽ death quite round about did hew
of no decay this tree, it knew.
(SHC A1: 186; Hallett, 2007a: 64)
There was clearly a tradition of such verse writing at Antwerp and its associated Carmelite communities. The 1672 obituary of Aloysia Francisca of Jesus (Francis Morgan: 1634â72) notes she âhad a most sweet devout tallent in Poytre hauing left to us many Poyhims of the Blessed Virgen and the sacred Infant Jesusâ; a few years later Teresa Maria of Jesus (Bridget Kempe: c.1635â76) is praised for her âspirituall Poyhims wch according to our pious costume she was wont to make att Chrismaseâ (DC L13.7: fols 18râ19v). If such works do not necessarily exemplify the finest features of English literary style, they do suggest the imagery used by the nuns to describe their sense of exile and their relationship with their homeland.
The Antwerp Carmel had been established in 1619, one of several such foundations created to meet, and stimulate, the needs of successive generations of English Catholics migrating to the European continent during periods of persecution.2 This chapter will explore the nature of the nunsâ rhetorical and practical engagement with ideas of nationhood, shaped by their personal experience of exile. It will consider how far they reflect Edward Saidâs observation of the exilic figure in general, who
exists in a median state, neither completely at one with the new setting nor fully disencumbered of the old, beset with halfÂinvolvements and halfÂdetachments, nostalgic and sentimental on one level, an adept mimic or secret outcast on another. (Said, 1994: 49)
It may seem paradoxical to consider nuns in Saidâs terms to be âsecular criticsâ,3 or to claim that they lived âoutside habitual orderâ4 in their highly regulated space and time. Yet certainly their position as insiderÂoutsiders, cloistered yet acutely aware of regional and transÂnational political affairs, afforded them a particular perspective on early modern cultural conditions. Their âadept mimicryâ operates on a number of personal and political levels, the significance of which is explored here.
We might perhaps expect the nunsâ exilic writing to be nostalgic, even sentimental; maybe characterized by qualities of âdis enchantmentâ, that âdesire for the return of an earlier orderâ.5 Rather, the nuns frequently express extreme contentment in the present whilst seeking to inscribe a new nationalistic regime. Oddly perhaps, from an enclosed position of apparent fixity, they create a sense of shifting stasis, figuring from within their own âwishful landscapeâ a future restoration that is both personal and religious: âthe Blochean âNot Yetâ ⊠that reaches beyond the confines of historical realityâ (Pohl, 2006: 21).6 They engineer an emphatic now in which personal pasts and community history combine with aspirational certainty.7 In this way the nuns mirrored the condition of several groups of the 1670s highlighted in this collection. They were excluded from full participation in their state or nation, but hoped all the time that this might change, given the ambiguous and highly fluid politics of the era. As we might expect, their responses to this situation were diverse and multiÂlayered: but, along with many of their contemporaries, their at titudes were shaped by the tensions in a neverÂquiteÂcomplete alienation, an uncertainty that they would remain as exiled as they were.
The nuns pose spatial and temporal challenges. These are factors around which Tony Claydon presents his persuasive picture of âProtestant internationalismâ; âsimultaneous antiÂpopery and engagement with the continentâ (Claydon, 2007: 8, 5). Here I argue for a less surprising Catholic EuropeanÂness, and an especial Carmelite spatial poetics that draws upon an English transnational heritage, to consider âhow English Catholicsâ experience of diaspora, combined with the necessity to reÂevangelize a nation from overseas, shaped their idea of nationhoodâ (Shell, 1999: 109). I also address genderÂspecific responses to exile elided by Said.
As the jubilee poet of 1672 expresses it, these women âin Carmells gardenâ are âEnglish seed / which doth the virgins dowry breedâ; they shelter under a âsolid treeâ whose âvertues branches still increaseâ; âuncorruptâ â images of undefiled endurance that are much repeated in the nunsâ writing of this period.
If there is a hiatus to their Englishness, they are fecund in foreign surrounds. The Antwerp community indeed appeared to prosper in the Spanish Netherlands, a region especially supportive of a foundation movement spurred by the postÂTridentine evangelizing mission (see Guilday, 1914: 21; Walker, 2003: 8â42). Of course its fortunes fluctuated under political pressures during the long period from its foundation in 1619 until 1794 when the community returned to England. The women were subject to local and panÂEuropean conditions, such as loss of harvests, the effects of climactic minima, of civil unrest in a volatile region, and interventions of Protestant authorities to prevent the flow of revenue, the onÂgoing effects of religious antagonism that had driven them from England in the first place. The Carmelite constitutions forbad dependence on local alms, which meant the nuns relied on recruitment from their homeland, inspired by family connection or by the reputation of the convent.
Despite temporary local difficulties, therefore, the Antwerp nuns succeeded in their expansive mission. In 1648, they set up a further community at nearby Lierre. In 1678 a separate English foundation was established at Hoogstraeten. These communities were part of a wider network of Carmels, not all of them English, established through the northern continent.8
The Carmelite papers attest to a lively sense of nationhood, conceived in response to complex ideas of the foreign; after all, they were at home, the locals were alien. The nuns depict themselves as opti mistically embattled in cloisters generally described as âstrikingly, even stridently, English in both orientation and compositionâ (Walker, 2003: 38). Carmelite Englishness is combined, however, with import ant aspects of continental Catholicism and a teleological philosophy drawn from specifically Teresian narratives that preceded and super seded the politics of the moment. There are elements in their writing which reflect and significantly nuance wider nationalistic concerns.
âCarmellâs gardenâ
In considering the nunsâ âfructifyingâ selfÂconstruction we immediately encounter issues of cause and effect. It is well recognized that âProtestant hostility towards Catholicism functioned as a consti tutive element in the emergence of nationalistic and imperial ideologyâ (Tumbleson, 1998: 11).9 It is perhaps less clear how far Catholic patriotic paradigms emerged from resistance to Protestant representation and how far they generated independent models. In claims to true fecundity, who originates the abject Other?
Oppositional logistics are complicated in a European Catholic context. It has been claimed that to be a nun in this period was to stage an âovert rejection of English religion, law and societyâ (Walker, 2003: 2). For the Carmelites this is only partly true. They separate their idea of Englishness from state claims to religious hegemony, yet they continually perform a peculiar patriotism, claiming, in common with other reformers, to be part of an ab origine religion, women of the âprimitiveâ Teresian Order.10 Their claims are complicated by the Spanish antecedents of their Rule, and their connections in the Low Countries with other, equally unÂEnglish orders. They also re Âlated to ostensibly secular communities which had their own reasons for living abroad: in the Antwerp merchant community, however, âWhile many were no doubt motivated by the needs of providing for themselves and their families, the political and religious outlooks of most of them clearly reflect those of the English Catholic com munity as a wholeâ (Arblaster, 2004: 98).
The Antwerp Carmel, created amidst a range of potentially coÂhering or contradictory conditions, was intended to be exclusively for English women.11 The founderâs stipulation may suggest a patriotic intent to resist patriarchal prohibition. Yet if to be a nun was to be stridently unÂEnglish by discursive definition, to claim to be an English nun was a radical tautology with performative effect. The Carmelites (like other religious, but with specific expressiveness explored below) create, as well as describe, a partially English(ed) space; they do this in the face of an emphatic and repeated exclusion they reluctantly acknowledge.
âhalf-detachmentsâ12
Throughout the 1670s, though of course not only in that decade, English members of Catholic religious orders faced a series of royal proclamations excluding them from the land, or from certain areas of the kingdom. It is important to consider the nature of those commands and of surrounding antiÂCatholic literature, in order to understand the nunsâ responses to them.
Proclamations were couched in dualistic terms: âWhereas Our Loyal Subjectsâ have âpresented to Us their Fears and Apprehensions of the Growth and Increase of the Popish Religion in these Our Dominionsâ began Charles IIâs Whitehall statement of 23 March 1671 (England and Wales [Charles II], 1670/71). It commands Jesuits, English, Irish and Scottish priests âand all others who have taken Orders from the See of Romeâ to âDepart out of this Our Kingdomâ, an injunction repeated in subsequent years.
On 23 March 1673, JPs and Ministers of Justice were commanded to disclose details of priests in their custody, âfor the better discovery of all others who were Popish Recusants ⊠yet unknown to usâ (England and Wales [Charles II], 1672/73), signifying at once a central izing of hostility and a perpetuation of a rhetoric of secrecy that surrounds so much antiÂCatholic discourse.13 In 1678 there followed a renewed royal command to âall persons being popish recusants, or so reputed, to depart from the cities of London and Westminster, and all other places within ten miles of the sameâ (England and Wales [Charles II], 1678).
A 1673 text of a performance ...