
- 176 pages
- English
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eBook - ePub
The Mother's Day Protest and Other Fictocritical Essays
About this book
As a genre that confounds the distinction between fiction and non-fiction, fictocriticism continues to gain currency. It solves a problem for researchers and writers who do not wish to be held to that somewhat artificial division, and who consider their research methods necessarily to include the stylistic experiments that show their research and thought processes. Research, knowledge of the world, that continues to be 'written up', 'after the fact' in the usual academic genres, has a tendency to re-inscribe the status quo. The world stays the way it is; change, surprise and experiment elude the writer.
Stephen Muecke, one of the originators of fictocritical writing, presents a selection of his best essays in this innovative genre. In doing so he offers a rare and important theorization of the potential of speculative methods across disciplines including Literary Studies, Philosophy, Anthropology, Geography, and Science and Technology Studies.
Stephen Muecke, one of the originators of fictocritical writing, presents a selection of his best essays in this innovative genre. In doing so he offers a rare and important theorization of the potential of speculative methods across disciplines including Literary Studies, Philosophy, Anthropology, Geography, and Science and Technology Studies.
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Yes, you can access The Mother's Day Protest and Other Fictocritical Essays by Stephen Muecke in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Languages & Linguistics & Creative Writing. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.
Information
Part I
Indigenous Australia
There is no way of knowing that is not situated, so Iâd like to begin at home, and in the past, in the vast Western Desert of Australiaâs outback. This is where it all began for me. Or at least I had to meet Bruce McGuiness first, the Koori activist, at a party in Melbourne in about 1970. We met at the African Studentsâ Club, and he told me a few hard truths.
The move to WA in 1974 brought an even greater awareness of Aboriginal Australia, and I have written elsewhere about my friend Gloria Brennan, who taught me so much, and introduced me to so many people: Helen Corbett, Bobby Randall, Kate and Daisy George, Charlie Perkins, John Newfong.1 She had a portrait of Don McLeod over her mantelpiece and treated him as some kind of hero. What would have happened if Iâd taken her advice and dropped in to see him at Strelley on one of those early trips North? He probably wouldnât have had any time for me. By the time I got to write about him, he was long gone. Let that be a lesson: the history-makers are closer to hand than you think!
âThe Motherâs Day Protestâ skips to the present, the very latest work Iâve been doing with the Goolarabooloo mob in Broome.
I wrote âThe Great Traditionâ after being surprised, once again, how shallow â in a temporal sense â the field they call Australian Literature is. There is an urgent task, and I wish more scholars could be trained to carry it out, to record and translate more of that huge corpus of songs and stories that risks disappearing along with the many beautiful traditional languages of the Australian continent.
Finally, in this first section, is my homage to the work of Strehlow, in particular his 1947 classic Aranda Traditions. It is also an homage to my father, Douglas, who was acquainted with Strehlow at the University of Adelaide about the same time Don McLeodâs mob was going on strike.
Note
1. Stephen Muecke, No Road (Bitumen All the Way), (Fremantle: Fremantle Arts Centre Press, 1997).
Chapter 1
Don McLeodâs Law
The Genesis of the Aboriginal Concept of the Strike
This chapter is an experiment in the geography of the concept. It looks at an episode in the history of the concept of the strike in Western Australia. Rather than treat the concept as an inhabitant of the mind, it is treated materially as a part of a cultural geography. We might find, for example, were we to analyse distribution in terms of spatial lexicography, that epistemology is fairly thickly discussed in urban Europe, but scarcely at all, perhaps never, in the remote parts of Australia. There, by way of contrast, people talk about tjukurpa [Dreaming] all the time. There is no doubt that concepts travel, in real time and space, and confront each other sometimes in violent ways; at other times they sail right past each other because no one has made an attempt to do the hard work of translating a concept like epistemology into tjukurpa, or vice versa, if indeed that is an appropriate thing to do.
This chapter will try to set up a method, as material as possible, for the analysis of the migration and translation of concepts into Australia along scientific or philosophical âtrade routesâ without the assumption that they have a free passage into a kind of conceptual terra nullius. Their movement has to be earned. And Aboriginal people are encouraging or resisting, doing their own conceptual work (the controversial dreamtime, as translation of tjukurpa, bugarrigarra, etc. has certainly taken root, and âworksâ in some contexts); at other times they use the âtools of the masterâ (justice, liberation, resistance), with culturally specific ways of putting such concepts into practice, as we shall see with the strike.
When in a recent book I asked why there was no such thing as Aboriginal Philosophy,1 the question was a provocation coming, in the wake of Foucauldian thought, from the idea that a given terrain can be traversed by different discursive formations, none of which fill that terrain completely. So, if perceptions and knowledge of and about Indigenous peoples seem confined to anthropology, history and literature (and not to philosophy), then these are rare, perhaps wonderful, things. Rare and limited: we have to specify the cultural and historical limitations and realise that these define the whitefella ways of knowing, because there are no reliable concepts crossing the frontier into the blackfella discursive formations.2 So from here emerges an operative principle close to the concerns of ethnography: see how the concept establishes its local authority. Just because it seems to be universal, it does not mean it will âstickâ in a local context. One could, for instance, look at a concept like humanity, seemingly universal, and then find that it has an extremely limited local distribution in many places. So it is not for me to say if there is or not such a thing as âaboriginal philosophyâ; it will be up to someone qualified (in aboriginality or philosophy) to carry âsuch a conceptâ or set of concepts across cultural frontiers and do what they will with it. I didnât define the concept just now, and I didnât say which way it might travel, but there is no doubt that this kind of conceptual inquiry belongs as much to âthe fieldâ as the seminar room. It is territorially circumscribed, it engages with real localities, languages and communities.
This, then, to put a label on it, would be a radical kind of ethno-philosophy, radical (from the roots) because it canât find those reliable concepts that enable thought easily to cross frontiers. Can we assume, for a moment, that a version of traditional anthropology would have built up a kind of conceptual base, like the base of a monument, that would at least have had human, society (and other concepts like sex, marriage, rites of passage) as reasonably mobile concepts? But for me these are already way too loaded, heavy and hard to move around. They have their origins in the universalising European modernism born of Enlightenment enthusiasms. This modernism has now finally come up against postcolonial thought and found itself âprovincialisedâ3 in the context of a new pluralised sense of world modernities; and it has also found itself provincialised, as it were, from within, via the critique of Bruno Latour, who suggests that European modernity should be ârecalledâ like a defective industrial product.4
Yarning
I want to now tell the story of Don McLeod, borrowing something of the style of the bush yarn that I picked up in Western Australia and want to put that into writing here so that the sense of locality is preserved as style. It is, as I suggested above, in tune with a principle of cultural reproduction, so that the concept can be seen to move around with a supportive and specifically local cultural style.5
They say Donald William McLeod was the first white kid born in Meekatharra in Western Australia, in 1908. Meeka is way out in the desert, if you havenât been there, on that track heading north from the Kalgoorlie goldfields. It would take you two days to drive there from Kalgoorlie, and Kalgoorlie is a long dayâs drive from Perth, and Perth, they say, is the most isolated city in the world. But you wouldnât be thinking like that if you were born in Meeka, and even less so if you were a local blackfella born there, born in the heart of your own country.
Youâd think ideas would take a while to get around, on those long dusty roads, some of them so straight that they get names like the Gunbarrel Highway. People are talking to each other, they have a yarn about the state of the world, and they might say, well, hereâs a thought, maybe we can do something with this. I am fascinated with the thought of sparseness, where words and concepts are so spread out that they become as valuable as gold nuggets, along with the laconicism of the Australian characters that inhabit this sparse landscape. So few words seem to be exchanged that they can regain a lost gravity; you can almost heft them in your hand. Out there you measure your words because you are a long way from the garrulousness of the city; maybe you have the time to think a bit more before speaking.
So, this is my question: Was the philosophy of the âfair goâ already in the Western Desert among the Nganyatjarra and other mobs, or did whitefellas like the McLeods bring it with them and spread it around? This philosophy, as simple as it was, and based on direct experience, then translated into action, helped create something that people came later to call âDon McLeodâs Lawâ,6 which was what they called this thing that lay as precious as gold at the heart of the first great Aboriginal labourersâ strike action, in that Pilbara country in the 1940s. On May 1 â Labour Day â 1946, eight hundred Aboriginal pastoral workers from twenty-seven stations in Western Australia walked off the job for better pay and conditions. This was the first industrial action by Indigenous Australians and people think it sowed the seeds for the famous Wave Hill strike among the Gurinji, in the Northern Territory, twenty years later.7 The Pilbara strike lasted until 1949, making it the longest strike in Australiaâs history.
My discussion here relates to a parallel historical debate in the work of the Subaltern Studies group which asks if subaltern groups like Indian peasants (or Australian Aborigines) engaged in revolt, did they come to political consciousness via the agency of some whitefella âgivingâ them a concept like the exchange value of labour or resistance. In other words, do they have to be coaxed out of some pre-political stage as Hobsbawm would have it, or did they in fact âread [the] contemporary world correctlyâ, which is the position that the Subaltern Studies school worked to develop on the basis of evidence.8
Donâs father was a bush mechanic, and apparently he used to tell his son, âTreat everyone as an equal; do the right thing to others and theyâll do likewise. Donât put flowers on a blokeâs grave â help him out now.â9 Now in a frontier town like Meekatharra in early twentieth-century Australia, âeveryoneâ for the whitefellas would have meant themselves, the handful of whitefellas, not the blackfellas living in town or out in the bush. But the McLeods extended humanity to literally everyone, and in this, they were highly unusual, in fact downright treacherous from the point of view of that white mob, because, with the status of being treated like a fellow human being, certain rights of equality tend inevitably to follow.
According to a newspaper story written on the occasion of th...
Table of contents
- Cover-Page
- Halftitle
- Part I: Indigenous Australia
- Part II: After Critique
- Part III: Speculative Histories
- Part IV: Ecologies of Place
- Index