Divided by Faith and Ethnicity

Religious Pluralism and the Problem of Race in Guatemala

Andrea Althoff

• Publisher: De Gruyter
• Year: 2014
• eBook ISBN: 9781614518402
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: North American Literary Criticism

Two unprecedented, striking developments form part of the reality of many Latin Americans. Recent decades have seen the dramatic rise of a new religious pluralism, namely the spread of Pentecostal Christianity - Catholic and Protestant alike - and the growth of indigenous revitalization movements. This study analyzes these major transitions, asking what roles ethnicity and ethnic identities play in the contemporary process of religious pluralism, such as the growth of the Protestant Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, and the indigenous Maya movement in Guatemala.

This book aims to provide an understanding of the agenda of religious movements, their motivations, and their impact on society. Such a pursuit is urgently needed in Guatemala, a postwar country experiencing acrimonious religious competition and a highly contentious debate on religious pluralism. This volume is relevant to scholars and students of Latin American Studies, Sociology of Religion, Anthropology, Practical Theology, and Political Sciences.

Part I

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Religious Pluralism and Ethnicity in Guatemala:An Introduction

Two unprecedented and striking developments form part of the reality of many Guatemalans and, in fact, of many Latin Americans in general. Recent decades have seen the dramatic rise of a new religious pluralism, namely the spread of Pentecostal Christianity²¹ – Catholic and Protestant alike – and the growth of indigenous revitalization movements. From the Mayas in Mexico and Guatemala to the Mapuche in Chile, indigenous groups have been struggling for their spirituality, organizing ceremonies, accompanying demonstrations, invoking ancestral gods, and participating in anthropological conferences. No less dramatic is the phenomenal expansion of Pentecostal Christianity across the continent. This study analyses these major transitions and connects them by asking: What roles do ethnicity and ethnic identities play in the contemporary process of religious pluralism, such as the growth of the Protestant Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, and the indigenous Maya movement²² in Guatemala?

With the above selection of movements, religious pluralism is narrowed down to the most dynamic religious actors, those who have experienced a startling growth in numbers and public attention over the last decades. Particularly evident is the burgeoning pluralism and ethnic renaissance in Guatemala, a country with a large indigenous population. Compared to other Latin American countries, Guatemala now has the highest share of Catholic and Protestant Pentecostals among the populace.²³ The Pew Charitable Trust concluded that the presence of Renewalist Christians in Guatemala – an umbrella term which includes all born-again Christians, such as Catholic Charismatics, Evangelicals, neo-Pentecostals, and Pentecostals – may be as high as 60 percent.²⁴ At the same time, indigenous Mayans not only make up a majority of the population²⁵ but are also increasingly present with independent forms of organized spirituality ; this means that today, more and more Guatemalan Mayans strongly dissociate from all varieties of Christianity, emphasizing their cultural and religious otherness. Furthermore, those Mayans who try to reconcile their Christian faith with their cultural identity constitute an expanding group within Catholicism and the broader Christian landscape.²⁶ In a nutshell, the salience of the Guatemalan case stems from its unique position as the country in the region with the largest percentage of Pentecostal Christians, the largest percentage of indigenous population, and a strong indigenous revitalization movement.

These religious transitions have had profound repercussions. It is crucial in this regard to point to the history of Guatemala’s collective national-religious identity. Similarly to other Latin American countries, it is characterized by a unique connection between a national and Catholic component. Until the recent past, to be Latin American and Guatemalan, whether indigenous or not, was often synonymous with being Catholic. Consequently, the new religious players, Maya movement and Protestantism alike, are altering one of the key features of Guatemalan identity and the former nucleus of Guatemalan nationhood. Protestant neo-Pentecostals want to establish a Christian nation in which a specific Christian identity trumps or even eradicates all other religious and ethnic identities; this is a goal that, although much less pronounced, can be attributed to Protestant and Catholic Pentecostalism, too. The Maya movement, to the contrary, challenges the Christian churches and their universal discourse, whether Catholic or Protestant, by means of particularistic ethnic group identities, in order to establish its own idea of a new Guatemalan nation.

The dynamic of the growth of Protestant Pentecostalism, neo-Pentecostalism, the emergence of the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, and the Maya movement are understood in this book as part of a process of religious pluralism that is articulated in the form of an increasing differentiation of the religious sphere. Religion, viewed from this perspective, means an expression of organized conceptions of belief within Christianity. I opted, nevertheless, for a consideration of the Maya movement within this analysis of religious pluralism, even though this form of religiosity cannot be easily classified into the conventional spectrum of a standardized body within the sociology of religion developed by Max Weber, Ernst Troeltsch, Reinhold Niebuhr, and John Milton Yinger.²⁷ This decision gives just consideration to the fact that the Maya movement has developed into a serious religious competitor. Therefore, the story of religious pluralism and how it is linked to the ethnic divide and ethnicity would remain incomplete if this analysis ignored the Maya movement.

Including the Maya movement in this book implies that I am dealing here with movements that are doctrinally extremely diverse, even antithetical. Notwithstanding, there are several arguments that justify the comparison. Most importantly, Pentecostalism, neo-Pentecostalism, the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, and the Maya movement have five characteristics in common:²⁸ First, they share a belief in supernatural, transcendent forces and authorities, an aspect that clearly marks these movements as religious. Secondly, all of them make exclusive and absolute claims about their religious belief system, explicitly contesting hybridity and syncretism²⁹ by insisting on clear categories of identity. This aspect is of relevance, since it has strong repercussions for the probability or improbability of a religious dialogue. Thirdly, they share a heightened religious consciousness expressed in a narrative that is known as conversion.³⁰ Fourth, despite the differences in ideology, all of these movements pursue an agenda of social change.³¹ Last but not least, and as formerly noted, all of these movements have dramatically and profoundly changed the make-up of the Guatemalan religious landscape.

The Religious Players

The following paragraphs provide introductory information on the religious movements and denominations. The idea was to give a lively image of how they operate in the public domain and to provide basic facts on their religious goals and motifs. To some extent, I have classified the Catholic Charismatic Renewal, Protestant Pentecostalism, and neo-Pentecostalism under the rubric of enthusiastic Christianity, although in the following sections of the book they are covered separately. Additionally, the common characteristics of these movements far outnumber their differences; hence, this grouping seemed appropriate. Apart from their main characteristics, I have also outlined in broad strokes the interface of these movements in their relationship with race, ethnic identities, and ethnic revitalization.

Part I: Catholicism

Clearly, the challenge of ethnicity in the current dynamic of religious pluralism is most visible in the relationship between Catholicism and the Maya movement. The emerging discourse of cultural recognition forces the older, more institutionalized and nationalized religious forces, above all Catholicism, to deal with this new indigenous religious competition in a different way. Now the church has to explain its former abusive historical role and bring evidence for why becoming Catholic is still a viable option for an indigenous person who is proud of his or her indigenous identity and spirituality. At the same time, Catholicism has to remain faithful to its universal Christian principals in order not to lose legitimacy among the non-indigenous population.

The biggest challenge for Catholicism with regard to religious pluralism is evidently the competition from Protestant Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism. At least superficially, this competition is not directly related to the interface of religion and ethnicity, since their emphasis lies on conversion and the Holy Trinity. Yet there is still the open question of whether Protestant Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism are less prone to racism and whether they embrace the Mayan populace with greater dignity and openness.

Finally, there is a growing internal diversification of Catholicism taking place, induced in part by the interests and practices of ethnically active Mayans. Altogether, recent decades have seen an explosion of Catholic movements and faith initiatives, rendering it increasingly difficult for the clergy to unite their flock. One of the Catholic movements that has experienced enormous growth is the Catholic Charismatic Renewal. Probably one of the largest Catholic movements globally,³² it is definitely among the largest in Latin America,³³ including Guatemala,³⁴ attracting many Mayans.³⁵ Despite its religious potency, this version of Catholic Pentecostalism has gained almost no public or scholarly attention.

Part II: The Maya Movement

As indicated above, this study identifies the Maya movement as a religious movement. This might surprise some readers, because it has often been characterized by political scientists, anthropologists, and the media as an ethnic-nationalistic rather than a religious movement, seeking the empowerment of the indigenous population on a national scale.³⁶ Mayan activism entailed issues such as land reform, preservation of indigenous languages, bilingual education, and political participation of organized Mayan agents.

A more profound and holistic perspective shows that the goal of cultural revitalization is connected to a deeper religious cause and understanding of social change. Put differently, Mayan activists do base their battle for the recognition of ethnic group identities on religious content. Mayan spirituality is therefore not one matter among others, e. g., economic, political, and social exclusion, but the very foundation of being active as a Maya. Not surprisingly, my Mayan interlocutors often told me that they have had training as a Mayan priest and include Mayan rituals in their daily routine. This indicates that faith in Mayan spirituality, lifstyle, and political commitment are intertwined affairs. It also indicates that religion is in fact at the forefront of the Mayan agenda.

At the core of their Mayan spirituality, Mayan advocates stress, is a complex worldview, the cosmovisión Maya. Concrete religious requirements that are derived from this Weltanschauung are the acknowledgement of autochthonous spiritual practices (ceremonies, the consultation of ancient calendars); the protection of sacred places a...

Table of contents

• Religion and Society
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Preface
• Part I
• Part II
• Part III
• Part IV
• Part V
• Bibliography
• Index