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Womanâs Inferiority to Man
To prove womenâs inferiority, antifeminists began to draw not only, as before, on religion, philosophy and theology, but also on science: biology, experimental psychology and so forth.
Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex (1949)
The University of Cambridge at the end of summer with the leaves going dry is as beautiful as it must have been when Charles Darwin was an undergraduate here in the early nineteenth century. Up in the quiet and high north-west corner of the universityâs library, traces of him still exist. Seated at a leather-topped table in the manuscripts room, Iâm holding three letters, all yellowing, the ink faded and the creases brown. Together they tell a story of how women were viewed at one of the most crucial moments of modern scientific history, when the foundations of biology were being mapped out.
The first letter, addressed to Darwin, is written in an impeccably neat script on a small sheet of thick cream paper. Itâs dated December 1881 and itâs from a Mrs Caroline Kennard, who lives in Brookline, Massachusetts, a wealthy town outside Boston. Kennard was prominent in her local womenâs movement, pushing to raise the status of women (once making a case for police departments to hire female agents). She also had an interest in science. In her note to Darwin, she has one simple request. It is based on a shocking encounter sheâd had at a meeting of women in Boston. Someone had taken the position, Kennard writes, that âthe inferiority of women; past, present and futureâ was âbased upon scientific principlesâ. The authority that encouraged this person to make such an outrageous statement was no less than one of Darwinâs own books.
By the time Kennardâs letter arrived, Darwin was only a few months away from death. He had long ago published his most important works, On the Origin of Species in 1859, and The Descent of Man, which came out twelve years later. They laid out how present-day humans could have evolved from simpler forms of life by developing characteristics that made it easier to survive and have more children. This was the bedrock of his theories of evolution based on natural and sexual selection, which blasted through Victorian society like dynamite, transforming how people thought about the origins of humankind. His legacy was assured.
In her letter, Kennard naturally assumes that a genius like Darwin couldnât possibly believe that women are naturally inferior to men. Surely his work had been misinterpreted? âIf a mistake has been made, the great weight of your opinion and authority should be righted,â she entreats.
âThe question to which you refer is a very difficult one,â Darwin replies the following month from his home at Downe in Kent. His letter is written in a scrawling hand so difficult to read that someone has copied the entire thing word for word onto another sheet of paper, kept alongside the original in the Cambridge University archives. But the handwriting isnât the most objectionable thing about this letter. Itâs what Darwin actually writes. If polite Mrs Kennard was expecting the great scientist to reassure her that women arenât really inferior to men, she was about to be disappointed. âI certainly think that women though generally superior to men [in] moral qualities are inferior intellectually,â he tells her, âand there seems to me to be a great difficulty from the laws of inheritance, (if I understand these laws rightly) in their becoming the intellectual equals of man.â
It doesnât end there. For women to overcome this biological inequality, he adds, they would have to become breadwinners like men. And this wouldnât be a good idea, because it might damage young children and the happiness of households. Darwin is telling Mrs Kennard that not only are women intellectually inferior to men, but theyâre better off not aspiring to a life beyond their homes. Itâs a rejection of everything Kennard and the womenâs movement at the time were fighting for.
Darwinâs personal correspondence echoes whatâs expressed quite plainly in his published work. In The Descent of Man he argues that males gained the advantage over females across thousands of years of evolution because of the pressure they were under in order to win mates. Male peacocks, for instance, evolved bright, fancy plumage to attract sober-looking peahens. Similarly, male lions evolved their glorious manes. In evolutionary terms, he implies, females are able to reproduce no matter how dull their appearance. They have the luxury of sitting back and choosing a mate, while males have to work hard to impress them, and to compete with other males for their attention. For humans, the logic goes, this vigorous competition for women means that men have had to be warriors and thinkers. Over millennia this has honed them into finer physical specimens with sharper minds. Women are literally less evolved than men.
âThe chief distinction in the intellectual powers of the two sexes is shewn by man attaining to a higher eminence, in whatever he takes up, than woman can attain â whether requiring deep thought, reason, or imagination, or merely the use of the senses and hands,â Darwin explains in The Descent of Man. The evidence appeared to be all around him. Leading writers, artists and scientists were almost all men. He assumed that this inequality reflected a biological fact. Thus, his argument goes, âman has ultimately become superior to womanâ.
This makes for astonishing reading now. Darwin writes that if women have somehow managed to develop some of the same remarkable qualities as men, it may be because they were dragged along on menâs coat-tails by the fact that children in the womb inherit attributes from both parents. Girls, by this process, manage to steal some of the superior qualities of their fathers. âIt is, indeed, fortunate that the law of the equal transmission of characters to both sexes has commonly prevailed throughout the whole class of mammals; otherwise it is probable that man would have become as superior in mental endowment to woman, as the peacock is in ornamental plumage to the peahen.â Itâs only a stroke of biological luck, he implies, that has stopped women from being even more inferior to men than they are. Trying to catch up is a losing game â nothing less than a fight against nature.
To be fair to Darwin, he was a man of his time. His traditional views on a womanâs place in society donât run through just his scientific works, but those of many other prominent biologists of the age. His ideas on evolution may have been revolutionary, but his attitudes to women were solidly Victorian.
We can guess how Caroline Kennard must have felt about Darwinâs comments from the long, fiery response she sent back. Her second letter is not nearly as neat as her first. She argues that, far from being housebound, women contribute just as much to society as men do. It was, after all, only in wealthier middle-class circles that women tended not to work. For many Victorians, womenâs incomes were vital to keeping families afloat. The difference between men and women wasnât the amount of work they did, but the kind of work they were allowed to do. In the nineteenth century, women were barred from most professions, as well as from politics and higher education.
As a result, when women worked, it was generally in lower-paid jobs such as domestic labour, laundry, the textile industries and factory work. âWhich of the partners in a family is the breadwinner,â Mrs Kennard writes, âwhen the husband works a certain number of hours in the week and brings home a pittance of his earnings ⌠to his wife; who early and late with no end of self sacrifice in scrimping for her loved ones, toils to make each penny.â
She ends on a furious note: âLet the âenvironmentâ of women be similar to that of men and with his opportunities, before she be fairly judged, intellectually his inferior, please.â
I donât know what Darwin made of Mrs Kennardâs reply. Thereâs no more correspondence between them in the libraryâs archives.
What we do know is that she was right â Darwinâs scientific ideas mirrored societyâs beliefs at the time, and they coloured his judgement of what women were capable of doing. His attitude belonged to a train of scientific thinking that stretched back at least as far as the Enlightenment, when the spread of reason and rationalism through Europe changed the way people thought about the human mind and body. âScience was privileged as the knower of nature,â Londa Schiebinger explains to me. Women were portrayed as belonging to the private sphere of the home, and men as belonging to the public sphere. The job of nurturing mothers was to educate new citizens.
By the middle of the nineteenth century, when Darwin was carrying out his research, the image of the weaker, intellectually simpler woman was a widespread assumption. Society expected wives to be virtuous, passive and submissive to their husbands. It was an ideal illustrated in a popular verse of the time, The Angel in the House, by the English poet Coventry Patmore: âMan must be pleased; but him to please/is womanâs pleasure.â Many thought that women were naturally unsuited to careers in the professions. They didnât need to have public lives. They didnât need the vote.
When these prejudices met evolutionary biology the result was a particularly toxic mix, which would poison scientific research for decades. Prominent scientists made no secret of the fact that they thought women were the inferior half of humanity, in the same way that Darwin had.
Indeed, itâs hard today to read some of the things that famous Victorian thinkers wrote about women and not be shocked. In an article published in Popular Science Monthly in 1887, the evolutionary biologist George Romanes, a friend of Darwinâs, patronisingly praises womenâs ânobleâ and âlovableâ qualities, including âbeauty, tact, gayety, devotion, witâ. He also insists, as Darwin had, that women can never hope to reach the same intellectual heights as men, however hard they try: âFrom her abiding sense of weakness and consequent dependence, there also arises in woman that deeply-rooted desire to please the opposite sex which, beginning in the terror of a slave, has ended in the devotion of a wife.â
Meanwhile, in their popular 1889 book The Evolution of Sex, Scottish biologist Patrick Geddes and naturalist John Arthur Thomson argue that women and men are as distinct from each other as passive eggs and energetic sperm. âThe differences may be exaggerated or lessened, but to obliterate them it would be necessary to have all the evolution over again on a new basis. What was decided among the prehistoric Protozoa cannot be annulled by Act of Parliament,â they state, in an obvious dig at women who were fighting for their right to vote. Geddes and Thomsonâs argument, stretched out over more than three hundred pages, and including tables and line drawings of animals, outlines how they see women as being complementary to men â as homemakers to the male breadwinners â but certainly not able to achieve the same as them.
Another example is Darwinâs cousin Francis Galton, remembered by history as the father of eugenics, and for his devotion to measuring the physical differences between people. Among his quirkier projects was a âbeauty mapâ of Britain, produced around the end of the nineteenth century by secretly watching women in various regions and grading them from the ugliest to the most attractive. Brandishing their rulers and microscopes, men like Galton hardened sexism into something that couldnât be challenged. By gauging and standardising they coated what might otherwise have been seen as ridiculous enterprises with the appearance of scientific respectability.
Taking on this male scientific establishment wasnât easy. But for nineteenth-century women â women like Caroline Kennard â everything was at stake. They were fighting for their fundamental rights. They werenât even recognised as full citizens. It wasnât until 1882 that married women in the United Kingdom were allowed to own and control property in their own right. And in 1887 only two-thirds of US states allowed a married woman to keep her own earnings.
Kennard and others in the womenâs movement realised that the intellectual debate over the inferiority of women could only be won on intellectual grounds. Like the male biologists attacking them, they would have to deploy science to defend themselves. English writer Mary Wollstonecraft, who lived a century earlier, urged women to educate themselves: â⌠till women are more rationally educated, the progress of human virtue and improvement in knowledge must receive continual checksâ, she wrote in A Vindication of the Rights of Woman in 1792. Prominent Victorian suffragists made similar arguments, using what education they were allowed to have to question what was being written about women.
The new and controversial science of evolutionary biology became a particular target. Antoinette Brown Blackwell, believed to be the first woman ordained by an established Protestant denomination in the United States, complained that Darwin had neglected sex and gender issues. Meanwhile, American writer Charlotte Perkins Gilman, author of the feminist short story âThe Yellow Wallpaperâ, turned Darwinism around to put the case for reform. She thought that half the human race had been kept at a lower stage of evolution by the other half. With equality, women would finally have the chance to prove themselves equal to men. She was ahead of her time in many ways, arguing against a stereotyped division of toys for boys and girls, and foreseeing how a growing army of working women might change society in the future.
But there was one Victorian thinker who took on Darwin on his own turf, writing her own book that passionately and persuasively argued on scientific grounds that women were not inferior to men.
âIt seemed clear to me that the history of the life on the earth presents an unbroken chain of evidence going to prove the importance of the female.â
Unconventional ideas can appear from anywhere, even the most conventional of places.
The township of Concord in Michigan is one of those places. Home to scarcely more than three thousand people, itâs an almost entirely white corner of America. The areaâs biggest attraction is a preserved post-Civil War house covered in pale clapboard siding. In 1894, not long after this house was built, a middle-aged schoolteacher from right here in Concord published some of the most radical ideas of her age. Her name was Eliza Burt Gamble.
We donât know much about Gambleâs personal life, except that she was a woman who had no choice but to be independent. She lost her father when she was two, her mother when she was sixteen. Left without support, she made a living by teaching at local schools. According to some reports, she went on to achieve impressive heights in her career. She also married and had three children, two of whom died before the century was out. Gambleâs life could have been mapped out for her, the way it was for most middle-class women of her time. She could have been a quiet, submissive housewife of the kind celebrated by Coventry Patmore. Instead, she joined the growing suffrage movement to fight for the equal rights of women, becoming one of the most important campaigners in her region. In 1876 she organised the first womenâs suffrage conference in her home state of Michigan.
Gamble believed there was more to the cause than securing legal equality. One of the biggest sticking points in the fight for womenâs rights, she recognised, was that society had come to believe that women were born to be lesser than men. Convinced that this was wrong, in 1885 she set out to find hard proof for herself. She spent a year studying the collections at the Library of Congress in the US capital, scouring the books for evidence. She was driven, she wrote, âwith no special object in view other than a desire for informationâ.
Evolutionary theory, despite what Charles Darwin had written about women, actually offered great promise to the womenâs movement. It opened a door to a revolutionary new way of understanding humans. âIt meant a way to be modern,â says Kimberly Hamlin, whose 2014 book From Eve to Evolution: Darwin, Science, and Womenâs Rights in Gilded Age America charts womenâs responses to Darwin. Evolution was an alternative to religious stories that painted woman as merely manâs spare rib. Christian models for female behaviour and virtue were challenged. âDarwin created a space where women could say that maybe the Garden of Eden didnât happen ⌠and this was huge. You cannot overestimate how important Adam and Eve were in terms of constraining and shaping peopleâs ideas about women.â
Although not a scientist herself, through Darwinâs work Gamble realised just how devastating the scientific method could be. If humans were descended from lesser creatures, just like all other life on earth, then it made no sense for women to be confined to the home or subservient to men. These obviously werenât the rules in the rest of the animal kingdom. âIt would be unnatural for women to sit around and be totally dependent on men,â Hamlin tells me. The story of women could be rewritten.
But, for all the latent revolutionary power in his ideas, Darwin himself never believed that women were the intellectual equals of men. This wasnât just a disappointment to Gamble, but judging from her writing, a source of great anger. She believed that Darwin, though correct in concluding that humans evolved like every other living thing on earth, was clearly wrong when it came to the role that women had played in human evolution.
Her criticisms were passionately laid out in a book she published in 1894, called The Evolution of Woman: An Inquiry into the Dogma of Her Inferiority to Man. Marshalling history, statistics and science, this was Gambleâs piercing counter-argument to Darwin and other evolutionary biologists. She angrily tweezed out their inconsistencies and double standards. The peacock might have had the bigger feathers, she argued, but the peahen still had to exercise her faculties in choosing the best mate. And while on the one hand Darwin suggested that gorillas were too big and strong to become higher social creatures like humans, at the same time he used the fact that men are on average physically bigger than women as evidence of their superiority.
He had also failed to notice, Gamble wrote, that the human qualities more commonly associated with women â cooperation, nurture, protectiveness, egalitarianism and altruism â must have played a vital role in human progress. In evolutionary terms, drawing assumptions about womenâs abilities from the way they happened to be treated by society at that moment was narrow-minded and dangerous. Women had been systematically suppressed over the course of human history by men and their power structures, Gamble argued. They werenât naturally inferior; they just seemed that way because they hadnât been allowed the chance to develop their talents.
Gamble also wrote that Darwin hadnât taken into account the existence of powerful women in some tribal societies, which might suggest that the present supremacy of men now was not how it had always been. The ancient Hindu text the Mahabharata, which she picked out as an example, speaks of women being unconfined and independent before marriage was invented. So she couldnât help but wonder, if âthe law of equal transmissionâ applied to men as well as women, might it not be possible that males had been dragged along by the superior females of the species?
âWhen a man and woman are put into competition,â she argued, âboth possessed of every mental quality in equal perfection, save that one has higher energy, more patience and a somewhat greater degree of physical courage, while the other has superior powers of intuition, finer and more rapid perceptions and a greater degree of endurance ⌠the chances of the latter for gaining the ascendancy will doubtless be equal to those of the former.â
Eliza Burt Gambleâs message, like that of other scientific suffragists, proved popular. Their provocative im...