1
Introduction and Overview
This book is a study of the policy and practice of rural development. It is not simply about rural development policy, nor does it solely focus on resulting activity. Policy and practice are linked through processes of governance, and it is through this lens that rural development is examined. Using examples from case study material, the book addresses a knowledge deficit that exists between policy and practice while also strengthening our understanding of the governance of rural areas. In so doing it is hoped that it will contribute to existing debates within rural development and that it will inform policy development.
Some of the incentive for writing this book derives from my personal experience as a rural development practitioner. In this sense it is a practically motivated study in that it aims to consider the policy and practice of rural development and the links, or lack thereof, between the two. In this manner it is hoped to contribute to our knowledge base. Moreover there are political and intellectual rationales for pursuing this line of investigation. Having become aware of divergences between project and programme activity whilst employed as a rural development professional on the ground, I was concerned that while being acknowledged informally by both practitioners and policymakers, nothing more forceful was being done about it. The gap in the knowledge and action aroused my curiosity. Often objectives of grandiose policies appeared to be esoteric and far removed from the values, beliefs and indeed material resources of actors in the field. I believe that better knowledge ought to lead to more effective policy and practice. This book aims to raise policy and academic debate in this regard and to highlight areas for future research. Here I simply reiterate its over-arching objective: it seeks to critically analyse the policy and practice of rural development. The study is undertaken in the context of the new rural governance and with attention to the role of power vis-Ć -vis social relations and structures. It is on this basis that we can proceed with an analysis of rural development that seeks to advance our knowledge of the links between knowing and doing. Therefore the study has practical, political and intellectual purposes. It will contribute to future research in this area, it will enhance the knowledge base of practitioners and policymakers and it will place centre stage the dynamics of power relations within the sector.
POLICY AND PRACTICE
This book considers the interplay between the policy and practice of rural development and regeneration. It claims that due to the constraints of, and relations between, the institutions, mechanisms and practice of rural development, actors do not have equal access to power and power is exercised unevenly by these actors. As a result the extent and effectiveness of rural development itself is limited in terms of who is involved and in relation to the ultimate impact of rural policy. The study will consider power relations within rural development and the relations and interplay between policy and practice. It aims to draw attention to the role of power within rural development.
Power relations extend beyond practitioners to other stakeholders such as policymakers. Ultimately these stakeholders do not necessarily have equal power status. This study will investigate where power is derived and exercised in the complex framework. It will reveal the import of these dynamics by showing the effect on policy and practice. It is argued that disparities in power relations result in a gap between the policy and practice of rural development. This is manifest in terms of what is claimed to be achievable, what actually happens and eventually what is possible in the future.
But the focus of the book transcends power; it is fundamentally about the analysis of the policy and practice of rural development in the context of the new rural governance. How are we to understand and make a connection between policy and practice? Like two sides of a coin, one relates to the other. This is in complete contrast to the writings of Auguste Comte who believed that social reform was a theoretical, cerebral enterprise, set apart from the practical activity of the individual on the street. Coining the term positivism he believed that the real world exists separately to peoplesā perceptions or beliefs of it, it is not constructed by people. Pure theoretical projects could be devised that were based on general social laws that emanated from the āscience socialā. Implementation he believed was an insignificant, practical detail that followed from intellectual efforts. Traditional, rational policy analysis is rooted in Comteās beliefs, whereby political decision making and politics are segregated as much as possible. And so, as Hajer and Wagenaar (2003) argue, rational policy analysis has led to a gap between theoretical rationality of policy and the practical rationality of the practitioner. It is precisely this gap which is of interest to our analysis. Turning practice on its head, Hajer and Wagenaar maintain that it is a theoretical concept, attempting to connect knowing and doing and so āacting is the high road to knowingā (2003:20). They reveal its complex nature, showing how it is not just a mere translation of action but it is about the actor and his or her beliefs and values, it denotes the interdependence of social, individual and material concerns and it presupposes the social. These are matters to which we will return throughout the book.
As we settle into the twenty-first century, the multi-faceted nature of the challenges facing rural areas is becoming increasingly evident. Whereas in the past rural equated to agriculture, this is no longer the case for communities across the globe, be they in rural China or in North America. The complexity of the issues means that one-dimensional sectoral policies can no longer adequately address the needs of rural areas. Using examples from across the globe, Chapter 2 charts the progress of rural and agricultural policy. Integrated rural development, multi-functionality and bottom-up approaches are some of the concepts that are scrutinised. Overall this chapter provides context for the emergence of the new rural governance.
There has been a tendency to embrace the new vocabulary of governance without much rigorous analysis and empirical investigation (Beck, 1999). This book uses empirical case study material based on research conducted in rural England. Chapter 3 presents a brief socio-economic description of each of the communities and an overview of the type of regeneration activity that emerged from the case studies. It is clear that while the research relates to specific areas, the issues are relevant beyond those areas, having resonance with many western rural communities. This chapter describes the framework within which the research was conducted, the significance of this becoming clear as the book progresses and the nature of the issues emerging within regeneration practice is revealed. Where appropriate pseudonyms and codes have been applied throughout the book to conceal the identity of specific individuals. The actual research process itself is significant and represents a novel approach to ethnographic study (see McAreavey, 2008 for a full analysis).
The political nature of the rural development domain is demonstrated by the fact that establishing the legitimacy of the project was linked to power and politics (Coghlan and Brannick, 2001) as was the management of my relations with superiors, peers and colleagues (Kotter, 1985). These matters will unfold given the centrality of issues of power to this book. Power specifically is addressed in the chapter following which is necessarily theoretical. It explores in some depth the notion of power and the meaning that is given to it throughout this book. The personal nature of power is highlighted, albeit within a broader context of social structures. Critical to this analysis is Lukesā three faces of power, the nature of ārealā interests and the ability of individuals to change the structures within which they exist. This chapter illustrates how a close analysis of processes within rural development is necessary to understand power relations. That analysis is the objective of the proceeding chapters.
It has been noted that āproject controversies are problems based on personality conflicts, miscommunication, and misinformation rather than more fundamental matters of value or principleā (Lowry et al., 1997:181). Chapters 5 and 6 focus on these āintangiblesā that bind groups together. Categorising these issues as micro-politics, Chapter 5 reveals how it relates to trust; power; and personal attributes such as perceptions and motivations. It shows the similarities and differences between social capital and micro-political processes. As micro-political processes underpin and have commonalities with the characteristics of social capital, a better understanding of micro-politics will contribute to our knowledge of this versatile concept. But further, it becomes clear that understanding micro-politics is pivotal to gaining a deeper understanding of the interests of actors in the rural development process. As we seek to comprehend power relations among agents, this conceptual framework becomes an essential tool. The import of micro-politics is demonstrated in Chapter 6 using detailed examples from the ethnographic study. Different aspects of group dynamics are critically analysed, along with their relevance to micro-politics. Micro-political processes are often unintended consequences of community action, and they are difficult to measure and so are sidelined within the development process. Nonetheless the importance of micro-politics cannot be ignored and the chapter shows how positive micro-politics have intrinsic value while also contributing to more tangible policy objectives.
Chapters 7 and 8 take up the notion of participation. They chart the meaning assigned to this concept in an era of globalisation and decentralisation. The seminal work of Arnstein during the late 1960s provides a useful starting point for analysis. Not only is participation shown to be ubiquitous but it is also an all encompassing label. Drawing extensively from the empirical data, these chapters use āthick descriptionā to enlighten our comprehension of participation policies and practice. The analysis seeks to understand how individuals operating within regeneration give meaning to participation before scrutinising in some depth what it means to participate in rural development activities. The enquiry uses the preceding discussions on power and micro-politics to consider power relations among agents. It views participatory practices from top-down and bottom-up perspectives in an attempt to understand the role of the state in this process. The chapters indicate that participating in regeneration activities is not what it seems; power relations are asymmetrical, and a regeneration power elite exists. Questions must therefore be asked about where benefits flow and how regeneration activities are framed.
Finally, a note on jargon. Where possible I have attempted to minimise the number of acronyms used and to simplify descriptions of institutional structure. For those familiar with the multiplicity of organisations operating within rural governance, you will understand that this is not an easy task. Doubtless the specifics of the terms rural regeneration and rural development could be debated at length; however throughout this book, in a bid to minimise confusion, the labels are used interchangeably. Any other particulars concerning terminology are addressed in relevant chapters.
2
Rural Areas in the 21st Century
Rural areas have changed dramatically over the past fifty years. Challenges have shifted and new opportunities have emerged. The role of the family farm has been eroded. Indeed the role of agriculture in the rural economy has diminished with less than 10% of the rural workforce in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries employed in agriculture. Meanwhile in the European Union (EU) while 96% of land is in agriculture, only 13% of rural employment is in agriculture (OECD, 2006). People believe there should be a greater good emerging from agriculture than simply food production; they want to gain from the landscape aesthetically and they also want to be able to use rural areas as an amenity. In other words rural resources are seen as being multi-functional as they give private and public benefits. Meanwhile as the effects of āAgflationā, that is, the rising cost of agricultural production due to the global credit crunch and the rising cost of fuel, are felt by all nations, the consumer is increasingly demanding cheaper and higher quality food. Food security arguments have re-emerged in recent years within international trade negotiations as a means of justifying subsidies. Issues of public health and animal welfare have risen to prominence, for example the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in the United Kingdom (UK) in 2001 and the avian influenza (H5N1) outbreak in Southeast Asia in mid-2003 (which since spread in Asia and to Europe). A sneeze in one country very quickly reverberates around the globe.
Rural areas have been opened up, agriculture is no longer able to exist by its own standards and a multitude of stakeholders have identified themselves as having an interest in rural matters. National boundaries no longer denote legislative limits. By necessity the focus of rural policy has altered, and new approaches to rural development attempt to take into account the differential nature of rural areas in terms of assets and needs.
This chapter provides context for the emergence of the new rural governance. It charts the progress of rural and agricultural policy, using examples from across the globe. Integrated rural development, multi-functionality and bottom-up approaches are some of the concepts that are unpacked. The significance of public sector reform in the era of globalisation and decentralisation is considered to illustrate the importance of participation in the 21st century.
DYNAMICS OF RURAL AREAS
Population mobility is evident in rural areas. While some outlying areas will always struggle to retain population, on the whole the mobility of the population is striking. There are currently about 40 million foreign nationals (8.6%) in the EU25 countries (Katseli et al., 2006). Meanwhile the United States (US) Census Bureauās 2006 American Community Survey reported 37,547,789 foreign born individuals in the United States, which represents 12.5% of the total US population (Terrazas et al., 2007). Rural and urban areas alike have been recipients of foreign nationals, and countries with little past experience of immigration have become destination areas for migrants in the 21st century (Grillo, 2001; Penninx et al., 2008; Pollard et al., 2008). Nonetheless people are still moving to urban areas, rural areas are ageing and educational attainment is lower as are levels of public service (OECD, 2006).
Not only is the profile of rural areas changing, but the perception of the role of rural areas held by the masses has shifted. A significant problem concerns the ways in which modes of land use are affecting water quality and broader ecosystems (United Nations Environment Programme [UNEP], 2007). Whereas once the farming community was at liberty to farm land as they saw fit, today the subjects of climate change, the environment and sustainable development more generally are prominent in social discourse. Setting aside the problems with these contentious issues, the consequence is that land is viewed as a valuable natural resource and so is subject to control through regulation and management. Hence we see the rise of standards for water, soil and air quality. The volume of legislation emanating from national and international bodies with the aim of ameliorating the perceived problems resulting from land use is proof of the level of societal concerns. For example in Europe this is especially evident in the Water Framework Directive (WFD), the Strategic Environmental Assessment Directive, the Nitrates Directive and cross-compliance regulations of Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) reforms.
Different approaches can be taken to achieving targets; enforcement and/or incentivising schemes. For example in New Zealand the polluter-pays principle is used without the use of subsidies so that the polluter bears the cost of ensuring the environment is in an acceptable state. Resource management and landcare programmes...