Part I
The role of religion in marriage and divorce
1
Religion as a determinant of marital stability *
Although a growing literature on the determinants of marital stability has accumulated over the past two decades (e.g., Becker et al. 1977; Castro-Martin and Bumpass 1989; Schultz 1991), the role of the religious affiliations of husband and wife has received little attention.1 This issue has not been studied in depth in part because until recently, there were no large data sets containing for each partner detailed information on both religion and marital history. The National Survey of Families and Households (NSFH), conducted in 1987â88, provides a unique opportunity to quantify the effects of religion on the likelihood of marital dissolution.2 The survey includes a main sample of 9,643 men and women of all marital statuses, representative of the US population age 19 and over. In addition to abundant socioeconomic and demographic information for the respondents and their first spouses (where applicable), the survey documents marital histories as well as the religious identification of each partner, before and after the respondentâs first marriage.3
We use these data to analyze how the religious composition of unions influences the likelihood of marital breakup. A more refined set of religion variables is employed here than in previous studies; our specification permits quantification of differences in stability among various types of intrafaith unions, as well as of the extent to which out-marriage is a destabilizing force for members of each major religious group. In addition, whereas most previous analyses have relied on logit or probit regressions, or on simple cross-tabulations, proportional hazards models are used here.4 Further, we exploit the richness of the information on religion in this survey to analyze an issue that, to the best of our knowledge, has not been studied empirically: the relationship between conversion and the probability of marital dissolution.
Analytical framework
The stability of a marriage depends in complex ways on a wide range of factors. The first section below analyzes the effects associated with the spousesâ religious affiliations. The second section contains a brief overview of other influences that are known to be important.
The effects of religious composition on marital stability
Religion is a complementary marital trait for which the mating of likes is optimal (Becker 1974). This complementarity arises in part because marital companionship is enhanced when individual spirituality can be shared and is inhibited when the partners must look outside the marriage for religious intimacy. Similarity in the religious beliefs and practices of husband and wife implies that the spouses can participate jointly in religious observances both at home and in the church. Religion also influences many activities beyond the purely religious sphere, including the education and upbringing of children, the allocation of time and money, the cultivation of social relationships, the development of business and professional networks, and even the choice of place of residence. Clearly, households in which the partners differ in their preferences and objectives in this area would be characterized by reduced efficiency and potentially more conflict.
Other things being equal, the complementarity of religion as a marital trait implies that heterogamous unions would display more instability than homogamous unions. Yet compatibility between partners of different faiths may vary with the specific religions involved, depending in part on the similarity in beliefs and practices of the two religions, and in part on the mutual tolerance embodied in their respective doctrines. Following Kelley (1972), we view religious groups as ranging along an âexclusivistâecumenicalâ continuum defined by the clarity with which they draw their membership boundaries. At one extreme, âexclusivistâ religious groups are those with clear, strictly enforced membership criteria, frequently with proscriptions against out-marriage and sometimes even shunning of nonmembers. At the other extreme, âecumenicalâ groups tend to have few membership criteria, often vaguely stated and weakly enforced, and place relatively little importance on religious group boundaries. The location of the spousesâ religions along this continuum would influence the stability of an interfaith marriage: the closer to the ecumenical end of the spectrum, the less the marital stress and hence instability that can be expected.
Other dimensions of religious doctrine and ritual have implications not only for the consequences of out-marriage but also for differences in stability across various types of homogamous unions. Religions differ in the importance of family-centered ritual (as distinct from that which is either individual or church-centered), as well as in the compatibility between their practices and beliefs and the customs in the larger society. For religious groups in which such compatibility is low and the role of the family is central, intrafaith unions are expected to be highly stable, and the destabilizing effects of out-marriage particularly pronounced. In addition, relatively high costs of dissolution and correspondingly high marital stability are expected for homogamous marriages involving religions with proscriptions against divorce.
Apart from differences between religious groups, variations in preferences among individuals and couples also play a role. Couples differ in the weight they place on shared activities, including religious observance, and individuals differ in the priority they give to religion and to religious compatibility as a marital trait. These factors influence the degree to which differences in religious beliefs and practices affect stability adversely. Similarly, the extent to which religious complementarities are a stabilizing force for a homogamous marriage depends in part on the importance attached to religion by each of the spouses.
Another factor in the case of intrafaith unions is whether the marriage is ...