Part I
Entrepreneurship, new firm formation and growth
The microeconomic evidence
Marco Vivarelli
1.1 Introduction
In recent years a strong belief that âentrepreneurshipâ is a crucial driver of economic growth has emerged among both scholars and policy makers (see, for instance, Audretsch et al. 2006; Koellinger and Thurik, 2012; and, for a comprehensive survey, Van Praag and Versloot, 2007). However, moving from macro-economic scenarios to the micro foundations of entrepreneurship, since the seminal contributi on by Baumol (1990) we have known that âShumpeterian innovative entrepreneursâ coexist with âdefensive and necessity entrepreneursâ, the latter being those who enter a new business not because of market opportunities and innovative ideas, but merely because they need an income to survive.
Empirically a world-wide research project, the âGlobal Entrepreneurship Monitorâ (GEM), has been collecting survey data using standardized definitions and collection procedures on potential and actual entrepreneurship since 1999, and now covers 60 countries (see Zacharakis et al., 2000; Reynolds et al., 2005; Acs et al., 2008b). This project reports the rates of business start-up and of self-employment across different countries of the world, but makes it clear that these statistics comprise both âopportunity-motivatedâ entrepreneurs and those driven by necessity, the latter being defined as those who have started their own firms as a consequence of the following personal situation: âbecause they cannot find a suitable role in the world of work, creating a new business is their best available optionâ (Reynolds et al., 2005, p. 217).
Within this context, the purpose of this chapter is to provide a contribution to the identification of the role of entrepreneurship in economic growth by mapping out: (1) the different microeconomic determinants of new firm formation; (2) the relationship between ex-ante characteristics (of the founder) and post-entry performance (of the new firm); and (3) the possible scope for economic policy aimed at distinguishing progressive entrepreneurship from defensive and regressive forms of firm formation.
In particular, the macroeconomic and sectoral scenarios are discussed in Section 1.2, where we attempt to throw some light on the concept of entrepre-neurship, extending what has already been mentioned in this Introduction. Section 1.3 shifts to the core of our analysis, which is microeconomic in nature; factors determining the foundation of a new firm are discussed, distinguishing between âprogressiveâ and âregressiveâ entry drivers. Section 1.4 is devoted to investigating newborn firmsâ patterns of learning, survival and growth, and the possible links between ex-ante entrepreneurial features and post-entry performance. Finally, Section 1.5 briefly discusses some possible policy implications.
1.2 What is entrepreneurship?
According to Schumpeter (1934), entrepreneurship is a driving force of innovation, and more generally an engine for economic development. As detailed by Wennekers and Thurik (1999) and Dejardin (2011), new firm formation may play a crucial role in fostering competition, inducing innovation and fostering the emergence of new sectors; in this framework, the entrepreneurs leading the new, small firms may compensate the restructuring of mature sectors and the downsizing of larger incumbent firms. Ultimately, new firms may substantially contribute to job creation, provided that the net effect of new entrants brings about overall market growth (see Malchow-Møller et al., 2011).1
Indeed, while endogenous growth theorists (see Lucas, 1988; Romer, 1990; Aghion and Howitt, 1997) highlighted the importance of human capital and R&D as additional explanations for increasing returns in the aggregate production function, more recently several scholars have proposed entrepreneurship as a third driver of economic growth and employment generation. In particular, entrepreneurs, through their new companies, would be able to exploit the opportunities provided by new knowledge and ideas that are not fully understood and commercialized by the mature incumbent firms (see Acs et al., 2005, 2012; Carree and Thurik, 2006; Audretsch et al., 2006; Braunerhjelm et al. 2010). Thus, according to these authors, entrepreneurship represents the missing link between investment in new knowledge and economic development, serving as a conduit for both entirely new knowledge and knowledge spillovers (see Carlsson et al., 2009; Audretsch and Keilbach, 2011; for a very recent comprehensive survey based on this view, see Braunerhjelm, 2011).
In particular, as well articulated by Baptista and Preto (2011, pp. 421â2), knowledge spillovers brought about by new entrepreneurial firms are generated â directly â through the introduction of new knowledge-based products and the improvement of the variety and quality of existing products, and â indirectly â through the stimulus towards the incumbents which have to cope with the tougher competition through innovation and increasing productivity.
However, before continuing, the question of what is intended by entrepre-neurship and how it can be measured needs to be addressed. In the industrial organization literature the answer is unequivocal: entrepreneurship is the process by which new enterprises are founded and become viable. In this approach, the most common way of measuring entrepreneurship is to look at new firm formation, i.e. at entry rates (either gross or net, i.e. entry flows minus exit flows). Indeed, according to the OECD (2003), industrial dynamics (i.e. the entry and exit of firms) would account for between 20 and 40 per cent of total productivity growth in eight selected OECD countries, therefore supporting the idea that entrepreneurs represent one of the driving forces of economic growth and structural change (see Foster et al., 2008; Fritsch, 2011). The reasoning is that new entrants can displace obsolescent firms in a process of âcreative destructionâ (see Schumpeter, 1939, 1943; for an account in an endogenous growth framework, see Aghion and Howitt, 1992), which may be considered an important micro determinant of productivity dynamics, eventually resulting in economic growth. From such a perspective, entrepreneurs are those individuals Schumpeter labelled âenergetic typesâ who display their âessential featuresâ by introducing the ânewâ into various activities and by âbreaking with the established routinesâ usually adhered to by managers (see Santarelli, 2006, p. xii).
In more general terms, it has been argued that new firm formation can be beneficial for economic growth (see Van Stel et al., 2005), employment generation and unemployment reduction (see Hart and Oulton, 2001; Thurik, 2003). However, recent studies based on GEM evidence have identified a U-shaped relationship between a countryâs rate of entrepreneurial activity and its level of economic development (see Reynolds et al., 2001; Wennekers et al., 2005). Indeed, this evidence that new firm formation is very high in both highly developed and extremely poor countries (where most of the so-called entrepreneurs are street vendors and people self-employed in traditional personal services) opens the way to considering entrepreneurship as a multi-faceted concept, not necessarily associated with innovation, productivity growth and economic development. Indeed, only when âopportunity entrepreneursâ (those motivated by innovative and progressive drivers) are distinguished from ânecessity entrepreneursâ (those who are self-employed and pushed by defensive and regressive drivers, such as the fear of unemployment), a positive linear relationship between economic development and entrepreneurship seems to be restored (see Carree et al., 2007; Acs et al., 2008a; Acs, 2008).2
Turning our attention from the macroeconomic to the sectoral level, the empirical evidence concerning industrial dynamics also casts much doubt on the progressive potentialities of business start-ups. First, survival rates for new firms are strikingly low: according to Bartelsman et al. (2005), who worked on data for ten OECD countries, about 20â40 per cent of entering firms fail within the first two years of life, while only 40â50 per cent survive beyond the seventh year (see also OECD, 2003, p. 145). The econometric evidence at the sectoral and microeconomic levels is largely consistent with this outcome; studies on different countries and different sectors reveal that more than 50 per cent of new firms exit the market within the first five years of activity (see Dunne et al. 1988; Reid 1991; Geroski, 1995; Mata et al. 1995; Audretsch and Mahmood, 1995; Audretsch et al. 1999a; Johnson, 2005).3
Second, entry and exit rates are significantly correlated; this is one of the uncontroversial âstylized factsâ of the entry process according to Geroski (1995, p. 424), who pointed out that the âmechanism of displacement, which seems to be the most palpable consequence of entry, affects young, new firms more severelyâ (see also Baldwin and Gorecki, 1987, 1991). Indeed, entry and exit rates have been found to be positively correlated across industries in both OECD countries (see Bartelsman et al., 2005) and in developing countries (see Bartels-man et al., 2004).4
This evidence opens the way to some considerations regarding the alleged role of entry as a vehicle for technological upgrading, productivity growth and employment generation. If entry were indeed driven mainly by technological opportunities, growing sales and profit expectations, one would observe a negative cross-sectional correlation between entry and exit rates, in particular over short time intervals. On the contrary, entry and exit rates are positively and significantly correlated and market âchurningâ emerges as a common feature of industrial dynamics across different sectors and different countries. This means that economic sectors are characterized by a fringe of firms operating at a suboptimal scale where the likelihood of survival is particularly low and where ârevolving doorâ firms are continuously entering and exiting the market.
Obviously, industry-specific characteristics such as scale economies and the endowment of innovative capabilities (see Audretsch, 1991; Agarwal and Audretsch, 2001) exert a significant impact on entry, exit and the likelihood of survival of newborn firms. For example, in industries characterized by a higher minimum efficient scale (MES), small newborn firms face higher costs, which are likely to push them out of the market within a short period after start-up (see Lotti and Santarelli, 2004). Therefore, in many sectors new firm start-ups may simply originate what has correctly been called âturbulenceâ (a term first introduced by Beesley and Hamilton, 1984; see also Caves, 1998; Baptista and KaraĂśz, 2011). By the same ...