China's Road to Peaceful Rise

Observations on its Cause, Basis, Connotation and Prospect

Zheng Bijian

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN: 9781138595927
• eBook ISBN: 9781136723179
• Topic: Business
• Subtopic: Business General
• Index: Business

Zheng Bijian has been one of the most influential thinkers and policy formulators in China during its reform period. In the early 1990s he worked with Deng Xiaoping collating and publishing Deng's speeches and as vice president of the Party School gave top priority to ensuring that members of the Party were thoroughly familiar with Deng's views, theories and reform agenda. In this important book, which is already available in Chinese, Zheng Bijian sets out his views and relates how his views were formed and developed over the long reform period, including the full text of his important speeches and papers, together with appropriate introductory material. Particular key themes which Zheng Bijian's thought has contributed to China's development are that China should embrace globalization and strengthen its relationship with the rest of the world, and that China's development should be peaceful.

"Zheng Bijian's ideas, actions and vision helped China in its astonishing thirty years growth. Zheng Bijian made a great contribution to envisioning the new role of China in a globalized world. This book is the intellectual story of a great witness of our times." - Romano Prodi, former President of the European Commission and former Prime Minister of Italy

Part I

Acquiring a deeper understanding of our country in the process of deepening our understanding of the world

(1988–1991)

1 Reform and readjustment – a wise choice as the world faces the 21st century¹

(April 9, 1988)

The world is faced with various choices.

Since the 1980s, there has emerged a most noticeable phenomenon: far-sighted people from countries of different systems and of different political inclination and economic groups with different interests, from various standpoints and perspectives, as if by prior agreement, all raised the question of making a strategic choice by their own countries and the questions of wide-ranging reforms and readjustment.

The 1990s, as a confluence of the two centuries, will be the years of choice, of renewed understanding, and of reform and readjustment.

This is due to the fact that the economic, political and military strategies across the globe, and the social-economic system and economic structure of countries with different social systems are not suited to the great changes that have taken place and those that are to take place further. And this state of affairs is likely to escalate over time.

This aforesaid situation manifests itself in three aspects.

First, it is difficult for the general configuration formed after the Second World War to continue.

The Yalta Conference of 1945 created two hemispheres: one led by the United States and the other by the Soviet Union. This polarized world, under the impact of a series of major events over the past 40 years following the Yalta Conference, can no longer go on as before.

Especially since the 1970s, the relative decline of the US and the stagnation of the Soviet Union have resulted in the loss of equilibrium between the strength of the two superpowers on the one hand, and the global “obligations” they had respectively undertaken and the global “interest” they had tried to seek.

A multi-polarized world is irreversibly emerging.

Second. Given the pressure caused by a series of major disequilibrium of the world economy, the original system and economic structure of the countries with different social systems were hard to continue functioning efficiently.

After the relatively quick growth of the 1950s and 1960s, many countries starting from the second half of the 1970s have entered a period of extended stagnation. This was generally the case of the superpowers, the developed countries, the newly emerging industrialized countries and the developing countries.

What features prominently was the question that the social and economic systems and economic structures of various countries, that were defective to start with, have become increasingly incompatible with the changes of the world economic environment and the requirement for the further growth of the economy and technology. The question came into sharp relief that only reform and readjustment can help regain new vitality and further room for development.

Third. The new technical revolution that began in the late 1970s was developing with great momentum, posing ever greater challenges to all countries of the world.

The new technical revolution, which originated in the theoretical breakthrough of the 1930s and 1940s, witnessed an initial growth in the 1950s and 1960s and registered a vigorous development in the late 1970s. The center of gravity of the cut-throat competitions therein in the years to come would express themselves in competing in the comprehensive national strength in the world arena in the 1990s. And all present-day reforms and readjustments, in the final analysis, cannot deviate from this center of gravity.

The three points I have mentioned are testimony that the world is at a turning point, symbolized by the surging wave of reform and readjustment across the globe. It would be an important historical period going through the entire 1990s and the early 2000s, a period that would result in yet another great change in the general strategic landscape of the world after the Second World War bearing on the destiny of the world and that of every country in the 21st century.

Making a choice means making a reflection, or trying to acquire a sober renewed understanding:

• It is necessary to acquire a renewed understanding of one’s national strength.

• It is necessary to acquire a renewed understanding of one’s system, structure and strategy.

• It is necessary to acquire a renewed understanding of the developing trend of the world, one’s position in the world and one’s relations with other countries.

Given the great differences in the social systems and those in the economic, political, cultural, geographic and ethnic fields of various countries, the reforms and readjustments being carried out across the globe inevitably involve multiple levels with different modes and variations like “a hundred flowers in blossom.” They nevertheless have the following common points:

• The reforms and readjustments of all countries have in mind, without exception, the fundamental purposes of increasing their comprehensive national strength for a favorable position in the 21st century.

• These reforms and readjustments basically consist of, without exception, revitalizing their social and economic systems and readjusting the economic structure and development strategy.

• They focus, without exception, on the development and the full utilization of science and technology while a number of countries stress advanced science and high technology as a matter of top priority.

• As they carry out domestic reforms and readjustment, many countries will unavoidably make corresponding readjustments in their foreign policies.

Naturally, it is up to the different countries themselves as to the kind of choices they will make and the kind of reforms and readjustment they will carry out in conformity with their own interests. But herein lie a series of major questions beyond the scope of influence of just one country, thereby giving rise to general concerns. For example:

1 Is the arms race to be stopped or to continue? Or is there to be a reduction in their quantities with a dramatic escalation in their qualities so that there seems to be a relaxation on the one hand but a virtual dramatic escalation of the arms race on the other?

2 In international relations, is it turning towards equality and non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, or are one or two powers allowed to dictate the internal affairs of other countries?

3 Is the international economic order turning towards the direction of opening and mutual reciprocity or is protectionism to continue, i.e. are the rich allowed to continue bullying the poor and are the few rich countries allowed to go on monopolizing and wasting mankind’s invaluable resources?

4 Are the countries with different social systems to learn from one another on the basis of coexistence for their development and progress, or are they to impose a mutual blockade in a bitter confrontation?

5 In the process of competition and cooperation, how do all countries of the world, in carrying out their economic strategy and structural readjustment, work as far as possible for an international coordination in the interest of common development?

6 In science and technology, are international exchanges and cooperation preferred to the monopoly of a “technical imperialist” type as practiced by some countries?

7 In focusing attention to develop their own economics, are the developed countries considering how to help the least developed countries in a more effective way?

8 On questions of resources and environments bearing on mankind’s conditions of survival, are all countries to work in closer coordination or adopt an approach of mutual negligence?

All these boil down to the question of peace and development or the question of “the east versus the west, the south versus the north.”

Herein lies what we refer to as making a choice.

As we look into the 1990s and the initial period of the next century, we can see light side by side with darkness and challenges side by side with opportunities.

Through reforms and readjustments, it is possible for the countries with different social systems and with varying degrees of development to achieve their development and progress, gradually lessen the serious loss of equilibrium of the world economy and create certain economic order and structure conducive to their common development. It is possible to gradually relax tension in world politics and create certain desirable situation in the interest of maintaining a still longer world peace.

This is one side of the coin.

On the other side, we must be soberly aware that the new and the old, the change and the old state of affairs and the conflict and bumping between the old Yalta pattern and the new development of the 1990s, will involve the entire process of the future reform and readjustment as well as that of our efforts for the maintenance of peace and for development.

The inertia for maintaining the status quo is fairly great not only in the reforms and readjustments of various countries, it is also true across the whole world. For instance, what kind of general strategic purpose is the mighty military strength that is far superior to that of any other country on the part of the two superpowers to serve? Aren’t the acts of hegemonism in certain parts of the world a manifestation of this inertia in its worst form?

We have every reason to ask the statesmen, economists, thinkers, scientists, military leaders and activists of all countries to work for reform and readjustment still more wisely and soberly, and strive to beef up consultation and dialogue to this end.

In passing, we highly appreciate the historical lesson underlined so sharply by some far-sighted people: At the turning point, no country, particularly big powers, can in any way afford to get carried away. This was a most important historical lesson. Whoever forgets that his capabilities have a limit, that his system too has deficiencies, that he is equal with others in mutual relations and that he should live and let live, he would inevitably be mocked by history.

We also appreciate the comments made by some people of insight in the West as they look into the prospects for the world: The rise of the East does not necessarily mean the inevitable decline of the West. The competition will not necessarily end up with one side being the winner and the other side the inevitable loser. To the US and Europe, the development of the Third World and the Asia-Pacific region presents a vast market and great opportunities.

Therefore, the question again lies in making a choice.

As a developing country with a population of 1 billion, China is aware of its responsibilities for world peace and development, of the long and hard road of the modernization drive and the major significance in many respects of the rising tide of reform and readjustment of the world. In other words:

• It enables us to acquire a still deeper understanding of ourselves as we deepen our understanding of the world

• It provides us with increasingly rich and colorful experiences and lessons from which we can learn for our benefit

• It poses a rigorous challenge for us while providing new and most invaluable opportunities.

In short, the reforms China has carried out for 10 years are part of the world trend of reform and readjustment.

The reform is changing China in a deep-going way. China’s reform in the 1990s will continue to forge ahead in depth. Reform, readjustment and the modernization drive, these are our most significant strategic choice as we face the 21st century.

2 The world-wide trend of reform and readjustment and science and culture as essential factors in the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation¹

(August 7, 1988)

Why is the question raised?

The world trend of the 1990s is becoming a wide-ranging hot topic and is becoming hotter with each passing day.

This is not accidental. As a matter of fact, beginning from the late 1970s, especially since the 1980s, countries with different social systems and different stages of development, political and economic groups with different interests, as well as an increasing number of statesmen, economists, military strategists and scientists, as if by prior agreement, have sharply raised the question of what development strategy their countries should choose. Although they have different viewpoints and perspectives, they all think it necessary to reassess the situation of their own countries, and to carry out wide-ranging reforms and readjustments.

This is a rather unusual situation calling for our attention. It merits our attention not only because it is a reflection of the ring-upon-ring of contradictions of this globe that are hard to get rid of so that every nation, country and people of all classes and different wings are involved in the exploration for the future. Nor is it only because to China’s cause of socialist modernization, the international environment is by no means unimportant as our opening has ever closely linked us to the world. It merits attention, moreover, because in front of us, a world-wide tide of reform and readjustment is surging, which would make it possible for us to gain a still deeper understanding of ourselves as we endeavor to acquire a still deeper understanding of the outside world.

A wave of the world-wide reform and readjustment is surging

What is the basis for saying this?

Leaving aside China, the basic facts in the international situation demonstrate the following. First, the two superpowers of the US and the Soviet Union have publicly acknowledged that the extended arms race has resulted in unbearable economic burdens, so they have decided to contend for supremacy in “comprehensive national strength” especially the economic, scientific and technological supremacy instead of military supremacy. The US, the Soviet Union, Western Europe and Japan have successively formulated and mapped out ambitious plans for the development of advanced science and technology which would be undertaken in a conscientious manner.

Second, the great debate on the long-term comprehensive strategy of the US has triggered re-evaluation of the positions and prospects of the US and other western countries and reforms and readjustments of their economic, industrial and enterprise structures. It also gave rise to debates on the need for managerial, tax and government expenditure reforms with a view to removing the “administrative handicap” hindering market operations and economic development.

Third, the integration of Western Europe, that of the US and Canada, the new movement of Japanese capital in northeast and southeast Asia, and the frequently held summit conferences of the seven western nations and the conferences of the finance ministers of the five nations symbolize the major transfer and realignment of the world economic power and the gradual development towards strengthening international coordination by capitalism that is breaking from the limit of merely readjusting their own economies.

Fourth, there has been a renewed understanding of the Soviet Union and most of the socialist countries in Eastern Europe on their historical experiences and development prospects, and reforms have been earnestly carried out by them in the economic, political and social fields with a view to changing the ossified old structures.

Fifth, the developing countries including a part of the “new-emerging industrialized countries and regions” and a large number of “low-income developing countries” are carrying out different reforms and readjustments in light of their own needs. With the end of national liberation movements of the post-war period, a race for lifting themselves from poverty through social and economic development is underway.

This surging wave of reform and readjustment throughout the world is of epoch-making significance in that it is highly extensive involving countries with different social systems and varying degrees of development; it is so comprehensive as to cover economic, political, military, diplomatic, social and cultural fields; it is so deep-going that it challenges the original systems, strategies, tactics and conceptions and it is highly forward-looking with the 21st century in mind.

We can put it this way: the 1990s and the initial phase of the next century, as a confluence point of the two centuries, will be years of renewed understanding, of making choices, and years of transition for making preparations for the dramatic development of the productive forces and for the great changes of the world in the next century.

The cause of the surging wave of reforms and readjustments across the globe

The emergence of the tidal wave of reform and readjustment across the globe is inseparable from the problems and contradictions accumulated over the 40 years or so following the Second World War. It is also inseparable from the dramatic new development of the world economy and ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Foreword
• Series editor’s preface
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• Part I: Acquiring a deeper understanding of our country in the process of deepening our understanding of the world: (1988–1991)
• Part II: Urgent need to study “grand strategy” in the context of both internal and external situation: (1991–1995)
• Part III: Deng Xiaoping’s definition of socialism with Chinese characteristics mapped out China’s road of peaceful development: (1995–1998)
• Part IV: A new period of strategic opportunities and a brand new strategic road for the rise of emerging countries modern history has never known: (1998–2002)
• Part V: China’s development is a peaceful development. China’s rise is a peaceful rise: (2002–2005)
• Part VI: China will emerge in the world as a “Peaceful Nation” and a “Civilized Nation”: (2005–2006)
• Notes
• Index