Classical Black Nationalism
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Classical Black Nationalism

From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey

Wilson J. Moses

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eBook - ePub

Classical Black Nationalism

From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey

Wilson J. Moses

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About This Book

Recent years have seen a resurgence of interest in modern black nationalist leaders such as Stokely Carmichael and Malcolm X. But what of the ideological precursors to these modern leaders, the writers, and leaders from whose intellectual legacy modern black nationalism emerged? Wilson Jeramiah Moses, whom the Village Voice called one of the foremost historians of black nationalism, has here collected the most influential speeches, articles, and letters that inform the intellectual underpinnings of contemporary black nationalism, returning our focus to black nationalism at its inception.

The goal of early black nationalists was the return of the African-American population to Africa to create a sovereign nation-state and to formulate an ideological basis for a concept of national culture. Most early black nationalists believed that this return was directed by the hand of God. Moses examines the evolution of black nationalist thought through several phases, from its proto-nationalisic phase in the late 1700s through a hiatus in the 1830s, through its flourishing in the 1850s, its eventual eclipse in the 1870s, and its resurgence in the Garvey movement of the 1920s.

Moses provides us with documents that illustrate the motivations of both whites and blacks as they sought the removal of the black population. We hear from Thomas Jefferson, who held that it was self-evident that black and white populations could not intermingle on an equal basis or merge to form one happy society, and who toyed with the idea of a mass deportation of the black American population. We see that the profit motive is an important motive behind any nationalist movement in the letters between African American capitalists Paul Cuffe and James Forten. Among the more difficult selections to classify in this collection, Robert Alexander Young's Ethiopian Manifesto prophesied the coming of a prophetic liberator of the African race. The Christian nature of nineteenth century black nationalism is evident in Blyden's The Call of Providence.

Moses rounds out the volume with contributions from more well- known voices such as those of Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Dubois, and others. Classical Black Nationalism will serve as a point of departure for anyone interested in gaining a foundational knowledge of the disparate voices behind this often discussed but seldom understood movement.

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Information

Publisher
NYU Press
Year
1996
ISBN
9780814764282
Part One
The Colonization and Emigration Controversy, Preclassical Period

1
From Notes on the State of Virginia (1781-82)

Thomas Jefferson
From Thomas Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia, Written in the Tear 1781, Somewhat Corrected and Enlarged in the Winter of 1782, for the Use of a Foreigner of Distinction, in Answer to Certain Queries Proposed by Him (Paris, 1784-85).
Thomas Jefferson composed Notes on the State of Virginia toward the end of the Revolutionary War in 1781 -82, in response to queries he received from the Marquis de Barbe-Marbois on conditions in Virginia and plans for future development. In the following passages, he refers to laws that have been proposed for the governance of Virginia on the conclusion of the War for Independence. Despite his well-known doctrine of small government, Jefferson revealed a belief that slavery could not be abolished without the employment of remarkably complex measures. Holding it as self-evident that black and white populations could not cooperate on an equal basis to form one united and happy people, he advocated the creation of an elaborate governmental bureaucracy to carry out the work of deporting the Free African population and replacing it with European immigrants. His methods have been characterized by the historian John Chester Miller as “draconian.”
It is ironic, and offensive to many, that Jefferson imputed to black males a preference for white women, since the widespread racial admixture that occurred in colonial America was almost synonymous with the exploitation of black women by white men. Rumors were constant in his lifetime that Jefferson was the biological father of several children born to Sally Hemings, a slave of his deceased wife. The historian Fawn Brodie evaluates the available evidence in Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History (1974).
Although Jefferson’s inconsistencies on several subjects are well known, he consistently maintained his opinion on emancipation and deportation for over forty years. A letter to Jared Sparks (February 4, 1824) reveals the fixity of Jefferson’s belief that emancipation must be accompanied by the colonization of freed African Americans “any place on the coast of Africa.” Also see his letter to James Heaton (May 20, 1826).
To emancipate all slaves born after passing the act. The bill reported by the revisors does not itself contain this proposition; but an amendment containing it was prepared, to be offered to the legislature whenever the bill should be taken up, and further directing, that they should continue with their parents to a certain age, then be brought up, at the public expence to tillage, arts or sciences, according to their geniusses, till the females should be eighteen, and the males twenty-one years of age, when they should be colonized to such place as the circumstances of the time should render most proper, sending them out with arms, implements of houshold and of the handicraft arts, feeds, pairs of the useful domestic animals, &c. to declare them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and protection, till they shall have acquired strength; and to send vessels at the same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white inhabitants; to induce whom to migrate hither, proper encouragements were to be proposed. It will probably be asked, Why not retain and incorporate the blacks into the state, and thus save the expence of supplying, by importation of white settlers, the vacancies they will leave? Deep rooted prejudices entertained by the whites; ten thousand recollections, by the blacks, of the injuries they have sustained; new provocations; the real distinctions which nature has made; and many other circumstances, will divide us into parties, and produce convulsions which will probably never end but in the extermination of the one or the other race.—To these objections, which are political, may be added others, which are physical and moral. The first difference which strikes us is that of colour. Whether the black of the negro resides in the reticular membrane between the skin and scarf-skin, or in the scarf-skin itself; whether it proceeds from the colour of the blood, the colour of the bile, or from that of some other secretion, the difference is fixed in nature, and is as real as if its seat and cause were better known to us. And is this difference of no importance? Is it not the foundation of a greater or less share of beauty in the two races? Are not the fine mixtures of red and white, the expressions of every passion by greater or less suffusions of colour in the one, preferable to that eternal monotony, which reigns in the countenances, that immovable veil of black which covers all the emotions of the other race? Add to these, flowing hair, a more elegant symmetry of form, their own judgment in favour of the whites, declared by their preference of them, as uniformly as is the preference of the Oranootan for the black women over those of his own species….
Among the Romans emancipation required but one effort. The slave, when made free, might mix with, without staining the blood of his master. But with us a second is necessary, unknown to history. When freed, he is to be removed beyond the reach of mixture.

2
Letters to Peter Williams Jr. (1816) and James Forten (1817)

Paul Cuffe
Cuffe to Peter Williams Jr., August 30, 1816, and Cuffe to James Forten, January 8, 1817, Free Public Library, New Bedford, Mass.
Paul Cuffe’s letter to the Episcopal clergyman Peter Williams Jr. illustrates that a healthy profit motive had much to do with Cuffe’s involvement in the African repatriation movement. As a Massachusetts shipbuilder and sea merchant, Cuffe was positioned to reap economic benefits from a program of resettlement overseas. The same can be said of James Forten, the Philadelphia sail manufacturer, to whom Cuffe’s second letter is addressed. Forten, like Cuffe, was well situated to profit from the economic nationalism that Cuffe envisioned.
Whether these two early African American capitalists can be called black nationalists is open to debate. Cuffe’s wife, Alice, was an American Indian, and his mother was also Native American. He explained in a letter to the British abolitionist William Allen that he could not permanently resettle in Africa because his wife refused to go. Fortens response to Cuffe (also reproduced in this volume) indicates something more of a desire to pursue a separate destiny away from white America, but none of his writings contain any of the messianic fervor of a “chosen people” doctrine that usually accompanies nationalistic movements. There can be little doubt, however, that Forten and Cuffe represented a spirit of economic independence that is essential to nationalism. Their enterprising spirit was a product of the environment, ideological and material, that generated the nationalism of white Yankee businessmen. It is essential to the success of nationalism that patriotic ideals go hand in hand with economic self-interest.
Westport 30 August 1816
Esteemed friend Peter Williams, Jr.—In consequence of what thee mentioned, (viz.) that we the people of color might establish a mercantile line of business from the United States to Africa, etc., should this still be your mind and you propose to carry it into effect this fall, we have no time to lose. After consulting thyself and friends, please to inform me your resolution. As, also the price of prime tobacco, soap, candles, as also what size vessel would be most advantageous, and such circumstances as may occur. To the view of your mind
I rest thy assured friend (in health)
Paul Cuffe
• • •
Westport 8 January 1817
Esteemed friend James Forten—I desire to be thankful for the privilege of informing thee of our being generally in health, hoping these may meet with thee & thine enjoying the same blessing, for which I desire ever to be trust thankful unto the Father of all our Mercies.
I have lately received a letter from a gentleman in the city of Washington announcing to me the concern that rests at the seat of government for the welfare of the people of color. They mention to me whether I will join them in going to England and Africa to seek a place where the people of color might be colonized. With a number of propositions & question I have answered him thereto, informing [him] at the same time of the African Institution in Philadelphia, New York, etc., in order that a correspondence might be opened with them in which they may become useful to their fellow citizens.
Give my love to the members of the African Institution and tell them I wish them a joyful New Year, hoping they have all their energies re-newedly engaged to celebrate the year in behalf of the African race and to the honor and glory of God, Amen.
Paul Wainer & owners of the sloop Resolution have requested me to inform thee that they are bound to North Carolina and are so short of funds that it is very inconvenient for them to pay thee for their mainsail according to expectation; but were willing to allow interest, and I will pledge my word for the payment of the debt. Should the money be wanted immediately, please to inform me, and the amount shall be forwarded by thy assured friend.
Paul Cuffe
PS
Give my love to Charlotte & the children & tell them I often see them in a contemplate view. Dear James thou art often the companion of my mind. In much love I subscribe myself your affectionate and ever well-wishing friend.
Paul Cuffe

3
Letter to Paul Cuffe (1817)

James Fort en
Forten to Paul Cuffe, January 25, 1817, Free Public Library, New Bedford, Mass.
In this Utter, James Fort en implies a commitment to Cuffe’s plan for African commerce and resettlement. The sentiments seem nationalistic in that Forten assumes as a matter of course that African Americans should seek to (“become a people,” and that some form of physical separatum from white America will be necessary if African Americans are ever to “become a people” It should be noted that Forten eventually became one of the bitterest foes of the American Colonization Society, and eventually abandoned all talk of nationalism or emigration.
Philad. January 25th 1817
Esteemed friend—Permit me to inform you that I received your friendly letter by post informing me of you and family good state of health through the blessing of Divine Providence.
In my last letter to you I mention my intention of writing you again very shortly on account of Anthony Servance’s property, the sale of which I expected would have taken place in the course of a day or two. But to our utter disappointment we could not get a single bid for it. Indeed, I am very much afraid that the ground rent will eat up the whole of the property. The amount in May next will be 170 dollars. We have had but one offer for it, and that was 50 dollars clear of all encumbrances, and I believe we shall be forced to take it, which, I am very sorry, will come far short of the claim you have against him.
The African Institution met at the Rev. R. Allen’s the very night your letter came to hand. I read that part to them that wished them a happy New Year, for which they desired me to return you many thanks. I must now mention to you that the whole continent seems to be agitated concerning the colonizing the people of color. You mention to me in your letter that a gentleman from Washington had written to you on the subject for your opinion. I suppose it must have been the Rev. Robert Finley from the state of New Jersey. He convened us together the other night at the Rev. A. Jones on this interesting subject. He mentioned his intention of writing you.
Indeed, the people of color here was very much frightened. At first they were afraid that all the free people would be compelled to go, particularly in the southern states. We had a large meeting of males at the Rev. R. Allen’s church the other evening. Three thousand at least attended, and there was not one soul that was in favor of going to Africa. They think that the slaveholders wants to get rid of them so as to make their property more secure.
However, it appears to me that if the Father of all Mercies is in this interesting subject (for it appeared that they all think that something must and ought to be done, but do not know where nor how to begin), the way will be made straight and clear. We, however, have agreed to remain silent, as the people here, both white and color, are decided against the measure. My opinion is that they will never become a people until they come out from amongst the white people. But as the majority is decidedly against me, I am determined to remain silent, except as to my opinion which I freely give when asked.
I must now inform you of an imposter which is going the rounds of this state calling himself John Cuffe, and said he is your son. He was taken up in York County, Pennsylvania, and lodged in jail, from which he wrote John James begging him to send a description of him so that he might be liberated. I have got the letter before me. John James brought the letter to me so that I might write you. He desires to be kindly remembered with all his family to you. I was intending to have given you some extracts from the letter, but having come across a publication of him in full I will enclose it to you. The signature of the letter is John Cuffe, son of the old & esteemed Capt’n Cuffe. We know you had no son of that name.
You will please give my love to your nephews and tell them any arrangements you make will be satisfactory to me. Charlotte has been very ill with the sore throat, but thank to God she has quite recovered, but longs to see you all. thought during her indisposition could she bat have seen you, it would have made her well. All the family join me in love to you all.
I remain very affectionately yours unalterably
James Fort en
I shall be glad to hear from you very shortly and your opinion of the colony.

4
Mutability of Human Affairs (1827)

“Mutability of Human Affairs,” Freedom’s Journal (New York), April 6, 1827.
The theme of “mutability” in human affairs has a long history in English letters. The word implied change, but not change in the mindlessly happy sense employed by twentieth-century politicians. From the sixteenth to the eighteenth century mutability suggested instability, incoherence, inconstancy, or decay In the following article, the term is associated with the rise and decline of civilizations. The editors of Freedom’s Journal, from which it is taken, recognized that the turning wheel of fortune had many times in the past reduced great empires to impoverishment or even slavery. For them, mutability was associated with bittersweet reveries of a semimythical day in which Africans had exercised lordship over the lost empire of ancient Egypt.
During a recent visit to the Egyptian Mummy, my thoughts were insensibly carried back to former times, when Egypt was in her splendor, and the only seat of chivalry, science, arts and civilization. As a descendant of Cush, I could not but mourn over her present degradation, while reflecting upon the mutability of human affairs, and upon the present condition of a people, who, for more than one thousand years, were the most civilized and enlightened.
My heart sickened as I pondered upon the picture which my imagination had drawn.—Like Marius surveying the ruins of Carthage, I wept over the fallen state of my people.—Wherefore is it, that a gloom pervades the mind, while reflecting upon the ages which have passed; and which, like the “baseless fabrick of a vision,” have scarcely left a wreck behind them? But such applies not to Egypt: for her obelisks and pyramids, which attest her greatness still remain, amid the grandeur of the desert, full of magnificence and death, at once a trophy and a tomb. But her kings, to preserve whose bodies from sacrilegious hands, they were erected, where are they? Have they not been torn from their “Vaulted sepulchres,” and exhibited to a gazing world? Have not they too been bought and sold? Methinks, the lesson to be derived from this, should warn other potentates, who are lavishing the hard earnings of their industrious subjects upon their costly mausoleums, of the vanity of their labours. The admirable command of our Lord to one of his disciples, who was desirous of going to bury his father, “let the dead bury their dead,” should convince us that it matters little, where this corruptible body is laid, after the immortal spirit has once left it; and that nothing which we can do, can reach its ear in the dull mansions of the tomb.
In reflecting on these interesting but mournful truths; the changes which had taken place within the last fifty years, were also presented to my view. On an ideal map of the Western continent, I beheld in many parts, villages, towns and cities, arisen and arising, where thirty years ago, nought but the footsteps of the savage had ever disturbed the “deep solitude of the forest,” or chased the “wild deer from his covert.” In the old world, the changes which have taken place, are awfully instructive. In many parts we behold the lenient policy which swayed the government of Napoleon compelled to give place to the misrule of former days. In France, the house of Bourbon, after having been exiles for twenty years, are restored to the throne of their ancestors. But the mighty Ruler, whose word was law over the greater part of Europe; “who was gentle in the manner, but vigorous in the deed,” where lies he? On the rocky shores of sea-girt St. Helena!
History informs us that Cush and Menes (the Misriam of scripture) were the sons of Ham. The former is supposed to have settled in the Arabic Nome, near the Red Sea, in Lower Egypt; whence his descendants spread over the southern regions of Asia, along the Persian Gulph, and the easterly parts of Africa, on the western borders of the Red Sea; and the latter, the Northerly parts of Africa, including Upper and Lower Egypt and Barbary.
Mankind generally allow that all nations are indebted to the Egyptians for the introduction of the arts and sciences; but they are not willing to acknowledge that the Egyptians bore any resemblance to the present race of Africans; though Herodotus, “the father of history,” expressly declares that the ‘Egyptians had black skins and frizzled hair.’
All we know of Ethiopia, strengthens us in the belief, that it was early inhabited by a people, whose manners and customs nearly resembled those of the Egyptians. Many of their divinities were the same: they had the same orders of priesthood and religious ceremonies: they made use of the same characters in writing: their dress was alike: and the regal sceptre in both countries was in the form of a plough. Of their philosophy little is known; their wise men, like those of the Indians, were called Gymnosophists: they discharged the sacred functions like Egyptian priests; had their distinct colleges and classes of disciples; taught their dogmas in obscure and mythological language; and were remarkable for their contempt of death. Other writers of a later date than Herodotus, have asserted that the resemblance between the two nations, as it regarded their features, was as striking, as their doctri...

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