Change within Tradition among Jewish Women in Libya

Rachel Simon

• Publisher: University of Washington Press
• Year: 2015
• Print ISBN: 9780295971674
• eBook ISBN: 9780295998855
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: African American Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

In the first major study of women in an Arab country's Jewish community, Rachel Simon examines the changing status of Jewish women in Libya from the second half of the nineteenth century until 1967, when most Jews left the country. Simon shows how social, economic, and political changes in Libyan society as a whole affected its Jewish minority and analyzes the developments in women's social position, family life, work, education, and participation in public life. Jews lived in Libya for more than two thousand years. As a result of their isolation from other Jewish centers and their extended coexistence with Berber and Arab Muslims, the Jews of Libya were strongly influenced by the manners, customs, regulations, and beliefs of the Muslim majority. The late nineteenth century witnessed a growing European cultural and economic penetration of Ottoman Liibya, which increased after the Italian occupation of Libya in 1911. Italian rule continued until a British Military Administration was established in 1942-43. Libya became independent in late 1951. The changing political regimes presented the Jewish minority with different models of social and cultural behavior. These changes in the foci of inspiration and imitation had significant implications for the position of Jewish women, as Jewish traditional society was exposed to modernizing and Westernizing influences. Economic factors had a strong impact on the position of women. Because of recurring economic crises in the late nineteenth century, Jewish families became willing to allow women to work outside the home. Some families also allowed their daughters to pursue vocational training and thus exposed them also to academic studies, especially at schools operated by representatives of European Jewish organizations. Although economic and educational opportunities for women increased, the Jewish community as a whole remained traditional in its social structure, worldview, and approach to interpersonal relations. The principles upon which the community operated did not change drastically, and the male power structure did not alter in either the private or the public domain. Thus the position of women changed little within these spheres, despite the expansion of opportunities for women in education and economic life. Change was slow, evolutionary, and within the framework of traditional society.

ONE

Status within the Family and the Community

The status of Jewish women in Libya was influenced by three main sets of factors: Jewish law and tradition; Muslim law and customs with their Arab, Berber, and Ottoman characteristics; and environmental conditions in the urban and rural areas. In addition, external influences, such as reforms in the Ottoman Empire and European penetration and rule, also had distinctive effects on the condition of Jewish women, just as they had on other segments of the population. Consequently, the status of Libyan Jewish women was not static. It also differed according to locale. Thus, one must examine status against a background of political, cultural, social, and economic conditions in Libya at each period.

There are few direct statements on the status of Jewish women in Libya during the late nineteenth century, and the existing reports were composed mostly by indigenous men or by Europeans. Since much of the information comes from external sources (i.e., not from Libyan Jewish women), it is often loaded with foreign concepts and lacking the personal point of view of these Jewish women. In addition, the information is uneven with regard to period, region, and source.

SUBORDINATION TO MALE RELATIVES

Descriptions of Libyan urban society during the late nineteenth century usually portrayed Jewish women as being mostly confined to the home. On the rare occasions that they left it, they were veiled, like their Muslim counterparts.¹ These women were generally under the authority of one of their close male relatives: father, brother, or husband. The male guardians were the ones who usually made the decisions regarding the present and future of the women, and their authority extended to economic matters. The most significant realm in which women were allowed some economic power was with regard to the dowry that they brought with them from their father’s house (see chap. 2). The rules concerning the dowry represent, however, less the economic freedom of the woman and more the desire of her father’s family not to let the property transfer into her husband’s family. In other instances, the economic subjection of the woman to her male guardian was quite complete. Thus, for example, on the rare occasions that women went to work outside their homes during the Ottoman period, they usually had to give their earnings to their fathers (since most of those who worked were not yet married).² Some foreign observers remarked that the condition of Jewish women was “lamentable” among the lower classes,³ and girls were even considered a burden by their fathers.⁴ This was so apparently because in contrast to boys, it was less customary to send girls out to work, and as a result, they hardly ever brought home any income but had to be supported.

These observations were provided by French Jews of both sexes who stayed in Tripoli for a number of years and were involved in the Tripolitan Jewish community. These observers often felt themselves to be superior to the indigenous population, which they wanted to reshape according to the European, and preferably the French, model. Nevertheless, there are numerous grains of truth in these and other foreign descriptions. These observations refer to the general custom in Libya as well as in other North African, Middle Eastern, and Muslim regions, especially in the urban areas, according to which women were protected by their close male relatives.⁵ It was considered that this protection, from strangers and especially from themselves (women were assumed to be at the mercy of their irrational impulses and desires), could best be achieved when the women stayed at home: if they had to leave the house for some important reason, they had to be chaperoned as well as be completely covered and veiled. Furthermore, being under the authority and protection of male relatives also gave the latter a say with regard to the women’s earnings. Jewish women, however, had a right to certain categories of private property and quite often were highly respected at home. Nevertheless, being honored did not mean having equal rights, and only very rarely could they attain an influential position outside the private domain.

Inside the home, much reverence was shown to wives and mothers, and they played a dominant role in the running of the household.⁶ Yet, their position was not clear-cut. Although much honor was bestowed upon them, certain habits reflected their inferior status, and their decision making was limited by the boundaries set by men. Even as late as 1967, many Libyan Jewish women were still confined to their homes and were occupied only by their regular household tasks. Within the family circle, however, their opinions about family matters prevailed, and it was often they who made the decisions concerning the direction of family affairs. It was reported in 1967 that their strong character was often in contrast to their “feminine and humble appearance.” In what were regarded by the observers as the “less progressive” families, women were more dependent on the man. There, he alone decided in all matters concerning the family, and he took care to answer its needs to the extent that he could and wanted. In the “more progressive” families, although women exercised greater intellectual independence, they still shared little in the material responsibilities.⁷

SEGREGATION WITHIN THE HOME

During most of the period under discussion (even to the middle of the twentieth century), women usually ate separately from their male relatives. Since this practice concerned the private domain, which few strangers penetrated, reports concerning it are few. External influences were slower to cast their imprint here than in the public domain, but occasionally some changes were observed. Thus, for example, toward the end of the Ottoman period, changes were reported concerning the Sabbath breakfast. Whereas until then it was eaten separately by men and women immediately after the morning prayer (shaḥarit), among some rich Jews in Tripoli it became customary for both sexes to have it together at the table.⁸ This observation by an indigenous Jew reflects two changes, albeit within a limited group and apparently only once a week. In this case, the physical environment of dining had changed together with the social behavior: breakfast was eaten at a table and by both sexes together. This resulted from the desire on the part of wealthy Jews who had close contacts with Europeans to copy some of their habits in order to appear as their equals. Consequently, the changing patterns of behavior in this case reflect a borrowing of a complete setting (i.e., using tables as well as eating together). This, however, was the exception that proved the rule, although similar behavior gradually spread.

Descriptions of eating habits in the countryside (in Yefren) state that after the males had finished their meal, the women ate theirs separately and consumed whatever was left over in the general plate. In Ottoman Libya it was usually considered “shameful and disgusting” to behave otherwise.⁹ Nonetheless, some individual deviations from this custom were observed as early as 1906.¹⁰ The traditional behavior in this respect continued during the Italian period. In the 1920s, in the west Tripolitanian coastal town of Zawiya the women used to grind the flour and bake the bread during the meal in order to serve it fresh to the diners: they waited on the men during the meal and ate separately afterward.¹¹ Even during the 1940s the men continued to eat by themselves at the table, while the women sat on the floor or on a mat in the corner of the room or in the kitchen. The only reported change was that some women “dared” to sit and eat at the table—but only after the men had finished their meal.¹² In addition to reflecting on women’s status, this issue also had health implications. The reports make it clear that men had priority in the selection and consumption of food, and only what was left was the women’s lot. Among the poor (i.e., a growing majority of the community) this could amount to very little food. There are no direct references regarding the quality of health care for both sexes. It was stated, however, that more Jewish females died than males in the cholera epidemic of 1910.¹³ This might indicate that to start with women were in poorer health than men and that the medical treatment they received was worse than the men’s.

ATTITUDE TOWARD CHILDREN

The status of Libyan Jewish women can also be deduced from the attitude toward children in the family. Thus, for example, there were several festivities connected with the birth of boys, and especially the first-born ones, but there were no similar celebrations regarding the birth of girls. Although it is true that many of these customs were not characteristic of the Jewish community of Libya in particular but reflect the Jewish tradition in general, there were certain local habits that went beyond the general Jewish practice. Thus, for example, when Libyan Jewish parents did not want to have more daughters, they used to call their newborn girl Yizza (meaning “that’s enough”).¹⁴ This practice was common not only during the Ottoman period but also well into the twentieth century. Needless to say, there was no similar custom with regard to boys, whose birth was cherished. Bearing a name that reflected rejection was a constant reminder of women’s lower status.

Not only was the birth of girls often not wanted, it could also be interpreted as not having children at all; that is, “children” meant only male offspring. In Libya, as in many regions under Muslim rule, Jewish men could marry a second wife without divorcing the first one (or by divorcing ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Abbreviations
• Acknowledgments
• Map of Libya
• Introduction
• 1 Status within the Family and the Community
• 2 Family Life
• 3 Work
• 4 Educational Opportunities
• 5 Participation in Public Life
• Conclusion
• Bibliography
• Index