In this brilliant polemical rampage, Owen Hatherley shows how our past is being resold in order to defend the indefensible. From the marketing of a "make do and mend" aesthetic to the growing nostalgia for a utopian past that never existed, a cultural distraction scam prevents people grasping the truth of their condition.
The Ministry of Nostalgia explodes the creation of a false history: a rewriting of the austerity of the 1940s and 1950s, which saw the development of a welfare state while the nation crawled out of the devastations of war. This period has been recast to explain and offer consolation for the violence of neoliberalism, an ideology dedicated to the privatisation of our common wealth.
In coruscating prose-with subjects ranging from Ken Loach's documentaries, Turner Prize-shortlisted video art, London vernacular architecture, and Jamie Oliver's cooking-Hatherley issues a passionate challenge to the injunction to keep calm and carry on.

- 224 pages
- English
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1
Lash Out and Cover Up
Advert in pub for pick-me-up tablets â phenacetin or something of the kind.
BLITZ
Thoroughly recommended by the
Medical Profession
The
âLIGHTNINGâ
Marvellous Discovery
Millions take this remedy
for
Hangover
War Nerves
Influenza
Toothache
Neuralgia
Sleeplessness
Rheumatism
Depression, etc., etc.
Contains no aspirin.
George Orwell, âWar-time Diaryâ,
29 August 19421
29 August 19421
The Emblem of Austerity Nostalgia
I can pinpoint the moment when I realised that what had seemed a typically, somewhat insufferably, English phenomenon had gone completely and inescapably global. I was going into the flagship Warsaw branch of the Polish department store Empik and there, just past the revolving doors, was a collection of notebooks, mouse pads, diaries and the like, featuring a familiar English sans serif font, white on red, topped with the crown above the legend, in English:
KEEP CALM
AND
CARRY ON
AND
CARRY ON
Aside from the horror filmâlike feeling that I was being chased wherever I went by an implacable enemy, I was chilled by the proof that this image had finally entered the pantheon of truly global design âiconsâ. As an iconic image, it was now there alongside Rosie the Riveter, the muscular female munitions worker on the US World War II propaganda image; as easily identifiable as the headscarved Lily Brik bellowing âBOOKS!â on Rodchenkoâs famous poster. As a logo, it was nearly as recognisable as Coca-Cola or Apple. How had this happened? What was it that made the image so popular? How did it manage to grow from a minor English middle-class cult object into an international brand, and what exactly were people saying when they were saying that they were carrying on?

âKeep Calm and Copyâ, Split, Croatia
My assumption was that the combination of message and design were inextricably tied up with a plethora of English obsessions, from the âBlitz spiritâ, through to the cults of the BBC and the NHS and the 1945 post-war consensus. Also contained in this bundle of signifiers was the enduring pretension of an extremely rich (if shoddy and dilapidated) country, the sadomasochistic Toryism imposed by the ConservativeâLiberal coalition government of 2010â15, and their presentation of austerity in a manner so brutal and moralistic that it almost seemed to luxuriate in its own parsimony.
Some or none of these thoughts may have been in the heads of the customers at Empik buying their printed tea towels; they may have just thought it was funny. They might have liked it as an example of the slightly dotty retro-Englishness that made them buy those DVDs of Downton Abbey with their overdubbed Polski Lektor. However, there are few images of the last decade that are quite so riddled with ideology, and few âhistoricalâ documents that are quite so spectacularly false.
It is important to record that the âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ poster was never mass-produced until 2008. It is a historical object of a very peculiar sort. By 2009, when it had first become hugely popular, it seemed to respond to a particularly English malaise, one connected directly with the way Britain reacted to the credit crunch and the banking crash. From this moment of crisis, it tapped into an already established narrative about Britainâs âfinest hourâ â the aerial Battle of Britain in 1940â41 â when it was the only country left fighting the Third Reich. This was a moment of entirely indisputable â and apparently uncomplicated â national heroism, one which Britain has clung to through thick and thin. Even during the height of the boom, as the critical theorist Paul Gilroy spotted in his 2004 book After Empire, the Blitz and the Victory were frequently invoked, made necessary by âthe need to get back to the place or moment before the country lost its moral and cultural bearingsâ.2 â1940â and â1945â were âobsessive repetitionsâ, âanxious and melancholicâ, morbid fetishes, clung to as a means of not thinking about other aspects of recent British history â most obviously, its Empire. This has only intensified since the financial crisis began.
The âBlitz spiritâ has been exploited by politicians largely since 1979. When Thatcherites and Blairites spoke of âhard choicesâ and âmuddling throughâ, they often evoked the memories of 1941. It served to legitimate regimes which constantly argued that, despite appearances to the contrary, resources were scarce and there wasnât enough money to go around; the most persuasive way of explaining why someone (else) was inevitably going to suffer. Ironically, however, this rhetoric of sacrifice was often combined with a demand that the consumers enrich themselves â buy their house, get a new car, make something of themselves, âaspireâ.
Thus, by 2007â08, when the âend to boom and bustâ promised by Gordon Brown appeared to be more than abortive (despite the success of his very 1940s alternative of nationalising the banks and thus âsaving capitalismâ), the image appeared for the first time. Itâs worth noting that shortly after this point, a brief series of protests in 2009â11 were being policed in increasingly ferocious ways. The authorities were allowed to utilise the apparatus of security and surveillance and the proliferation of âprevention of terrorismâ laws set up under the New Labour governments of 1997â2010 to combat any signal of dissent. In this context the poster became ever more ubiquitous, and peculiarly, after 2011, it began to be used in what few protests remained, in an only mildly subverted form.
The âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ poster seemed to embody all the contradictions produced by a consumption economy attempting to adapt itself to thrift, and to normalise surveillance and security through an ironic, depoliticised aesthetic. Out of apparent nowhere, this image â combining bare, faintly modernist typography with the consoling logo of the Crown and a similarly reassuring message â spread everywhere.
I first noticed its ubiquity in the winter of 2009, when the poster appeared in dozens of windows in affluent London districts like Blackheath during the prolonged snow and the attendant breakdown of National Rail; the implied message about hardiness in the face of adversity and the Blitz spirit looked rather absurd in the context of a dusting of snow crippling the railway system. The poster seemed to exemplify a design phenomenon that had slowly crept up on us in the last few years to the point where it became unavoidable. Itâs best described as Austerity Nostalgia. This aesthetic took the form of a nostalgia for the kind of public modernism that, rightly or wrongly, was seen to have characterised the period from the 1930s to the early 70s; it could just as easily exemplify a more straightforwardly conservative longing for security and stability in the face of hard times. Above all, though, the poster was the most visible form of a vague nostalgia for a benevolent, quasi-modernist English bureaucratic aesthetic.
Yet its spread, and its political adaptations, managed to create a sort of ironic visual authoritarianism, in direct correlation with an entirely un-ironic intensification of repression and police violence. After the unrest of 2011 fizzled out, the poster seemed to become a self-satisfying declaration of the refusal to resist austerity, and instead offer a commitment to plod glumly on in an increasingly intolerable situation. However, its main affect was not about the present as such, but about a remarkably distorted idea of the past.
Unlike many forms of nostalgia, the memory invoked by the âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ poster is not based on lived experience. Most of those who have bought this poster, or worn the various bags, T-shirts and other memorabilia based upon it, were probably born in the 1970s or 80s. They have no memory whatsoever of the kind of benevolent statism the slogan purports to exemplify. In that sense, the poster is an example of the phenomenon given a capsule definition by Douglas Coupland in 1991: âLegislated Nostalgiaâ, that is, âto force a body of people to have memories they do not actually possessâ.3
However, thereâs more to it than that. Even someone who was around at the time, unless theyâd worked at the department of the Ministry of Information that actually designed the poster, would never have seen it. In fact, before 2008, few had ever encountered âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ displayed in a public place.
It was designed for the Ministry of Information in 1939, but the posterâs âofficial websiteâ, which sells a variety of Keep-Calm-and-Carry-On tat,4 mentions that it never became an official propaganda poster. Rather, only a handful had been printed on a test basis. The specific purpose of the poster was to âstiffen resolveâ in the event of a Nazi invasion, and it was one in a set of three. There were two others in the series, which followed the exact same design principles â a slogan in a sans serif font with resemblances to (but not, in fact) Gill Sans, centred on a block-colour background, with the crown above. The others were:
YOUR COURAGE
YOUR CHEERFULNESS
YOUR RESOLUTION
WILL BRING
US VICTORY
YOUR CHEERFULNESS
YOUR RESOLUTION
WILL BRING
US VICTORY
And:
FREEDOM IS
IN PERIL
DEFEND IT
WITH ALL
YOUR MIGHT
IN PERIL
DEFEND IT
WITH ALL
YOUR MIGHT
Both of these were printed up, and âYOUR COURAGE âŚâ was particularly widely displayed during the Blitz, given that the feared invasion did not take place after the German defeat in the Battle of Britain. You can see one on a billboard in the background of the last scene of Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburgerâs 1943 film, The Life and Death of Colonel Blimp, when the ageing, reactionary but charming soldier finds his house in Belgravia bombed.
Of the three proposals, âKEEP CALM AND CARRY ONâ was, for some reason, discarded after the test printing, and it never found its way to public display. Possibly, this was because it was considered less appropriate to the conditions of the Blitz than to the mass panic expected in the event of a German ground invasion. One of those few test printings of the poster was found in amongst a consignment of second-hand books bought at auction by Barter Books in Alnwick, Northumberland, who then produced the first reproductions.
Initially sold in London by the shop at the Victoria and Albert Museum, it became a middlebrow staple when the recession, initially merely the slightly euphemistic âcredit crunchâ, hit. Through this poster, the way to display oneâs commitment to the new austerity regime was to buy more consumer goods, albeit with a less garish aesthetic than was customary during the boom. This was no different to the âkeep calm and carry on shoppingâ commanded by George W. Bush both after September 11 and when the sub-prime crisis hit America. The âwartimeâ use of this rhetoric escalated during the economic turmoil in the UK; witness the slogans of the 2010â15 coalition government, from âWeâre All in This Togetherâ to âWeâve maxed out our credit cardâ.
The power of âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ comes from a yearning for an actual or imaginary English patrician attitude of stiff upper lips and muddling through. This is, however, something that largely survives only in the popular imaginary, in a country devoted to services and consumption, and where elections are decided on the basis of house price value, and given to sudden, mawkish outpourings of sentiment. The poster isnât just a case of the return of the repressed, it is rather the return of repression itself. It is a nostalgia for the state of being repressed â solid, stoic, public-spirited, as opposed to the depoliticised, hysterical and privatised reality of Britain over the last thirty years.
At the same time as it evokes a sense of loss over the decline of an idea of Britain and the British, it is both reassuring and flattering, implying a virtuous (if highly self-aware) consumer stoicism. Of course, in the end, itâs a bit of a joke: you donât really think your pay cut or your childrenâs inability to buy a house, or the fact that someone somewhere else has been made homeless because of the bedroom tax, or lost their benefit, or worked on a zero-hours contract, is really comparable to the Blitz â but itâs all a bit of fun, isnât it?
Austere Consumerism
The âKeep Calm and Carry Onâ poster is only the tip of an iceberg of austerity nostalgia. Although early examples of the mood can be seen as a reaction to the âthreat of terrorismâ and the allegedly attendant âBlitz spiritâ, it has become an increasingly prevalent response to the uncertainties of economic collapse.
One of the first places this happened was in food, an area closely connected with the immediate satisfaction of desires. Along with the Blitz came rationing, which was of course not fully abolished until the mid-1950s. Accounts of this vary; its egalitarianism meant that while the middle classes experienced a drastic decline in the quality and quantity of their diet, for many of the poor it was a minor improvement.
Either way, it was a grim regime, aided by the emergence of various by-products and substitutes â Spam, corned beef â which stuck around in the already famously dismal British diet for some time to come, before mass immigration gradually made eating in Britain less awful. In the process, entire aspects of British cuisine â the sort of thing listed by George Orwell in his essay âIn Praise of English Cookingâ, such as suet dumplings, Lancashire hotpot, Yorkshire pudding, roast dinners, faggots, spotted dick, toad in the hole â began to disappear, at least from the metropoles.
The figure of importance here is the Essex multimillionaire chef and Winston Churchill fan Jamie Oliver. Clearly as decent and sincere a person as youâll find on the Sunday Times Rich List, his various crusades for good food and the manner in which he markets them are inadvertently very telling. After his initial fame as a New Labourâera star, a relatively young and Beckham-coiffed celebrity chef, his main concern (aside from a massive high-end chain restaurant empire that stretches from Greenwich Market to the Hotel Moskva) has been to take âgood foodâ â locally sourced, cooked from scratch â from being a preserve of the middle classes and bringing it to the âdisadvantagedâ and âsocially excludedâ of inner-city London, ex-industrial towns, mining villages and other places slashed and burned by thirty-plus years of Thatcherism.
The first version of this was the TV series Jamieâs School Dinners, where a camera crew documented him trying to influence the schoo...
Table of contents
- Cover Page
- Halftitle Page
- Title Page
- Copyright Page
- Contents
- Introduction: The Junk Market of Austerity
- 1. Lash Out and Cover Up
- 2. Can the Ghost of Clement Attlee Save Us?
- 3. The Aesthetic Empire of Ingsoc
- 4. Family Portrait
- 5. Building the Austerity City
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Index
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