PART I
Theory, People, Genres
Chapter 1
On Orientalism
The title Before Orientalism is at once a hook, a tease, and a statement of intent. The book could have been called Alongside Orientalism, or perhaps Between Orientalisms, without alteration to its fundamental arguments. Though Orientalist elements have been identified in medieval representations of Islam and Arab cultures, they apply much less to the rest of Asia. This chapter examines the chronology of the three main strands to Orientalism as they relate to medieval Europeâs more distant âEasts.â It finds that while elements of two out of the three may be tentatively identified in medieval writings on far eastern places, they do not add up to a version of Orientalism as defined by Said. A developed Orientalist discourse would have to wait until the early modern period or even beyond. Ultimately, late medieval writings on distant Easts are pre-Orientalist primarily because they are precolonialist.
Edward Said offered three interlinked definitions of Orientalism in his classic work. First, the European academic study of Asian societies; second, a tendency to group the diverse cultures of âthe Eastâ under one heading and those of âthe Westâ under another to produce the binary distinction of âOrientâ and âOccidentâ; and thirdâthe most controversial oneâan ideologically loaded discourse by which western societies have extended, developed, and justified political, economic, and other domination over eastern territories. This third element is best expressed by Said himself: âOrientalism can be discussed and analyzed as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orientâdealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient!â1 Lucy Pick notes that the first two elements have, in Saidâs presentation, an almost timeless, eternal quality, while the third arose in the eighteenth century in response to the âcolonial aspirations of post-Enlightenment Europe.â2 She and other medievalists have queried most aspects of his chronology with regard to the Middle Ages, especially concerning Latin Christendomâs relationship with Islam, but there has been less attention paid to Orientalismâs potential application to other Asian regions in the medieval era.
It must be said at the outset that few specialists in Middle Eastern or Asian studies have been persuaded by Saidâs appraisal of scholarly endeavors by academic Orientalists.3 Indeed, his book has been found to be riddled with errors, flagrant omissions, and drastic overgeneralizations. Some of this critique will be discussed in what follows. On the other hand, Saidâs concept has had wide utility and application when treated as a tool for interpreting certain western representations of subjected cultures, especially in literature and the visual arts, rather than as a reliable guide to entire branches of scholarship. Recurrent themes in cultural Orientalism include a tendency to portray Middle Eastern, North African, and Asian cultures as decadent, decayed, corrupt, and effeminate. Key elements are identified in Dawn Odellâs analysis of Jean-Leon Geromeâs painting The Snake Charmer (c. 1870), a reproduction of which adorned a 1979 edition of Saidâs Orientalism. The painting represents a âEuropean stereotype of the Orient as the site of danger, luxury, effeminacy, degeneration and superstition, including strong suggestions of sodomy, penetration and submission in the central figure of the boy and his position, bare-buttocks to the viewer.â4 In a colonial context such caricatures of the Orient and its inhabitants helped justify their submission to western powers. That, at least, is the broad argument.
Said focused first on the Middle East and Egypt, though his book makes regular passing references to south and east Asian contexts and his subsequent Culture and Imperialism extended the basic premise to colonial contexts including âAfrica, India, parts of the Far East, Australia, and the Caribbean.â5 Other scholars have found his theories relevant, at least as a starting point, in studies of various Asian regions but particularly Japan, China, and India.6 Odellâs questionââIs this the Orient?ââis pertinent, as is her recognition that Saidâs book posits a distinction between an authentic geographical location and its ideological construction in western representations.7 Said admits that his own âawareness of being an âOrientalâ as a child growing up in two British coloniesâ lies behind his initial Middle Eastern focus. He wanted âto inventory the traces upon me, the Oriental subject, of the culture whose domination has been so powerful a factor in the life of all Orientals. That is why for me the Islamic Orient has had to be the center of attention.â8 While acknowledging both the narrow and very broad geographical potential of the term, âOrientalismâ is examined here primarily in relation to Asian regions beyond the Middle East.
It is in this sense that the book could be retitled Alongside Orientalism. Some scholars have explored medieval European representations of the Islamic East that reveal a tendency to eroticize, romanticize, and/or demonize contemporary Islam. Note, for example, Suzanne Conklin Akbariâs wide-ranging recent exploration of a specifically medieval âOrientalismâ in representations of Islam and Saracens.9 Akbari explains that she excludes European views of east Asia from her study âsimply to make clear the extent to which medieval Orientalism was shaped by a very specific discourse of religious alterity centered on the relationship of Christianity to Islam.â10 That is an important distinction, one with which the present book strongly agrees, though by no means does it intend to paint the medieval era as a pre-Orientalist âgolden age, free of the representational violence inventoried by Said,â as suggested by some medievalists.11
The three elements of Saidâs âOrientalismâ developed over different periods of time, so there cannot really be said to be a single point of origin. Said suggests that the discourse as âa field of learned studyâ dates to 1312, with the Council of Vienneâs decision to establish chairs in Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac at Paris, Oxford, Bologna, Avignon, and Salamanca, but his critics have found this either a little early or too late. Some have suggested the sixteenth or early seventeenth century as a better marker of concerted European scholarship on Oriental themes;12 others have asserted the Council of Vienneâs efforts were âthe last salute to a dying idealâ of Christian engagement with Islamic and Jewish philosophy.13 Such discussions focus on study of the Middle East, however, and the Islamic world in particular. European academic study of farther eastern cultures came later still.
Franceâs Ăcole SpĂŠciale des Langues Orientales, now Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO), was founded in 1795 within the Bibliothèque Nationale.14 French chairs in Chinese were established at the Collège de France in 1814 and Ăcole des Langues Orientales in 1843. Munich and Berlin also founded Chinese professorships in the early nineteenth century.15 Franceâs Journal Asiatique, first published in 1823, was slanted more toward coverage of far eastern than Arabic matters, reflecting developing interest in lâĂŞxtreme orient over the course of the nineteenth century.16 In Britain the first chair in Chinese came in 1837 at University College, London, though it lapsed by 1843, and in 1851 a new one was endowed at Kingâs College, London. Oxfordâs Bodleian Library began to collect Chinese books in the seventeenth century, but the university did not establish a chair in Chinese until 1876. Cambridge followed in 1886 and Manchester at the turn of the twentieth century.17 U.S. universities would quickly outstrip the British in this field following establishment of a chair at Yale in 1876 and strong development in the early part of the twentieth century.18 As T. H. Barrett chronicles in his study of Sinology in Britain, formal academic recognition was preceded by three centuries of book collection by individual European enthusiasts and missionaries and the scholarly endeavors of members of the various East India companies. Indeed, to an extent, scholarly enthusiasm for information on Asia can be seen even in the later Middle Ages given the grouping of writings on eastern contexts in single manuscripts.19 Yet given that study of Asian languages, which are at the heart of modern Asian studies, was hardly developed before the late eighteenth century, it is clear that formal scholarly interest in the far Orient was a postmedieval phenomenon.
The second sense of Orientalism, as a structure of thought or âimaginative geographyâ dividing the world between âEastâ and âWest,â âOrientâ and âOccident,â might seem rather older. Orient and Occident derive from the Latin for rising and falling, orior and occido, alluding to the sunâs apparent passage across the sky. Some educated medieval Europeans possessed a sense of âEastâ or âOrientâ as opposed to âWestâ or âOccident,â but they were not preoccupied by the overarching binary inherent in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Orientalism. Generalities about the East or Indies were attempted by numerous encyclopedists, cartographers, and cosmologists who were working out of classical and early medieval traditions but were challenged by travelers who ventured east from the mid-thirteenth century. Thus one can identify only a limited medieval âOrientalismâ in Saidâs second sense, and furthermore this would have to be modified by uncertainty about the existence of an opposing âWest.â
âOriensâ appeared regularly on medieval mappaemundi, notably the âT-Oâ maps that survive in over a thousand exemplars, mostly as manuscript illuminations, from the seventh to late fifteenth centuries.20 However, in this cartographic context Oriens refers not to a geographic area but to one of four cardinal points or the winds of the earth along with Occidens, Septentrio, and Meridies.21 âAsiaâ is used to mark the largest of the worldâs three continents, filling the top half of the globe, with âEuropaâ and âAfricaâ filling the lower quarters. This tradition dates back to antiquity. Akbari shows that medieval authorsâ attempts to match up the four cardinal winds with the three continents were often awkward; she also argues that while the concept of a âwhole, homogenous Eastâ can be identified in medieval encyclopedic texts, it lacked a mirroring West as representative of âus.â The East may be where âtheyâ are; âIt does not follow, however, that the West is where âweâ are.â22 Instead, Europeans were usually conceived as people of the cold North.23 More recently she has proposed that an East-West binary becomes increasingly visible by the fourteenth century, in some lines from Gowerâs Confessio amantis, for example, but the evidence for this contention seems scanty.24 The Orient-Occident binary was known but not yet common in late medieval geographical thinking. The East was also considered in climatic terms, particularly by medieval scholars who incorporated the four directions into a quadripartite cosmology encompassing the four seasons and four humors. Most agreed that the East was âhotterâ than the West, though there was disagreement over whether it was also wet or dry; William of Conches, for example, plumped for a hot, damp East, while Bartholomaeus Anglicus argued for hot and dry.25
âIndiaâ was a common designation for large swathes of the Asian continent, particularly south and east, and was generally divided into three parts. âNearerâ or âLesserâ India often referred to the northern Indian subcontinent while âFurtherâ or âGreaterâ India was the southern, though in Marco Polo the two are reversed. âMiddleâ or âIntermediateâ India was Ethiopiaââhalf way to India.â26 âMandevilleâ focuses on climate rather than geography: India Major is very hot, India Minor is more temperate, and the third part, âto the north,â suffers extreme cold.27 Alternatively, in some texts Further or Greater India extended indefinitely eastward from Malabar (the southwest Indian coast), as in Jordanâs Mirabilia descripta, or from the Ganges, as in Poggioâs report of Niccolò dei Contiâs journey, encompassing east and southeast Asia.28 Medieval âIndia,â however conceived, constituted a vaster range of territory than implied by its modern reference to the Indian subcontinent and potentially encompassed south, east, and southeast Asia as well as east Africa.
By the time that actual travelers began to produce accounts of Asia, earlier authorsâ claims about the Indies or Orient had achieved authoritative status. For example, Honorius Augustodunensis, in his widely read Imago mundi (c. 1110, surviving in at least 160 manuscripts), had spoken of the great cities of the Indies, vast populations, great quantities of gold and silver, monstrous and remarkable creatures, ferocious nations of Gog and Magog who eat human and raw animal flesh, tribes of mountain pygmies who give birth at three and are old at eight, and people who kill their elderly parents, cut them up, and serve the flesh at banquets.29 The tradition of the âWondersâ or âMarvelsâ of the East, already old by Honoriusâs day, populated eastern realms with diverse monsters, marvelous beasts, and hybrid creatures.30 There dwelt âHeadless men with eyes and mouths in their breasts [who] are eight feet tall and eight feet wideâ; âThe donestre [who] live on an island on their own in the Red Sea. They are partly human. They can speak various tongues and can entice men whom they eat up, save for the head over which ...