PART ONE
Cultivating Open Civic Equality
The groups that Alexis de Tocqueville described were âclassic volunteer groupsâ: unpaid local folks who banded together in an open-ended group, to fix or accomplish something for their local community. Classic American voluntary associations usually brought together people who were already homogeneous in terms of race and class.1 They aimed to fix something in the community, not to cure the volunteers of their psychological problems by empowering them. Classic volunteer groups did not have to justify themselves to any external funders. Classic volunteers could start with something small, local, and uncontroversial, and expand to something big, political, and controversial. As the next four chapters will show, Empowerment Projects are very different on all these scores.
Some writers wax nostalgic for those old-fashioned, unfunded, local volunteer groups, and see these newly prevalent Empowerment Projects, with their dependence on money and external authoritiesâ approval, as a downfall. At the moment, about forty years ago, that government funding for voluntary associations began to increase, a nonprofit executive worried:
For the executive, grassroots voluntarism is the soul of America; the word âcontaminatesâ is no accident.3 The interesting and useful question, however, is not an up or down, a yes or a no, but a âhow.â Empowerment Projects do not necessarily kill the civic spiritâor bring it to life, either. When they blend their many missions, civic life does not simply lose or gain ground: rather, the ground changes.
CHAPTER 2
Participating under Unequal Auspices
Interviewing some youth volunteers who were helping out at a local event, a reporter asks a question that was intended to give a boy a chance to display his generous volunteer spirit:
The wispy boyâs response was not a mistake. For poor and minority youth, finding an implicit answer to the question, âWhy am I in this group?â was easy: I am slated to do poorly in school and in life, and my after-school group exists for the purpose of helping me defy my conditions. I am a problem. For non-disadvantaged youth, there were other unspoken answers: I am here to help others (and perhaps boost my chances of getting into the college of my choice).1
Volunteer work was supposed to bring the different types of youth together: even though participants were not equals in the rest of their lives, just getting their hands dirty, doing the work, walking the walk, was supposed to set them on equal footing right now, in the moment. In practice, creating this haven meant learning how to ignore the differences, joining together as equals by leaving the past behind.
This practical solution created its own puzzles and its own form of inequality. It was hard for underprivileged youth to appear entirely civic, self-propelled, and independent, since their programs had to document exactly how much money had been spent on helping them. Disadvantaged youth overheard organizersâ constant fundraising efforts, which often included expertly documenting their neediness. Their dependence was publicly visible. It came with a dollar amount. For them, the missions of promoting civic engagement, helping the needy, and transparently documenting their projectsâ effects blended, often uncomfortably, but sometimes offering surprising insights, almost surreptitiously acquired. If underprivileged youth heard data about poverty and racism, they might see the big picture and feel pride at having beaten the stiff odds, surmounting the obstacles that they faced as members of an unjustly deprived racial or class category.
The non-disadvantaged youth volunteers, in contrast, never heard anyone publicizing the importance of spending money on preventing them from becoming criminals and drug addicts. Their dependence and need for protection was invisible, not subject to public questioning, though one could glimpse, in small, hidden interactions, the dedicated parents on whom they privately, almost secretly depended. According to this second category of youth volunteers, it was urgent that the Empowerment Projectsâ money be spent in a âcivicâ way, on helping someone else, not on the volunteers themselves. Many came to the projects hoping to find inspiration, to be touched to the core, deeply transformed. So, initially at least, they might appear to fit the mold of classic volunteers better.
Yet, the non-disadvantaged volunteers, too, had an agenda beyond helping others and seeking inspiration. Admission to a good university is not automatic in the United States, as it is in some other nations; these non-disadvantaged youth had to market themselves to future college admissions offices, using volunteer work to âsignalâ2 that they were good, active, caring, and knowledgeable people. Knowing that they were supposed to feel motivated by pure inspiration and altruism, they nervously questioned themselves and each other about whether they were really involved just to puff up their resumes, to market themselves.
The two sets of youth had different hidden reasons for being there, different sources of pride and shame, different ways of relating to broader political issues, and even different ideas for what community service projects to conduct. The chapter portrays these knots of tensions, showing how social inequality materialized here in a way that may be typical in Empowerment Projects, wherever the implicit rules of engagement for the two distinct sets of volunteers are so very different.
WHAT BRINGS YOU HERE? IMPLICIT ANSWERS
Poor and Minority Youth: I Am Preventing Myself from Becoming a Problem
I kept hearing minority youth making what I thought was a mistake when they described their volunteer work. At first, I though they misunderstood the question. âSafe Nightâ was a prophylactically named evening event to provide teens with a safe place to go at night instead of drinking, taking drugs, or having sex. Participants ranged from about eight to fifteen years old.
After hearing these apparent misunderstandings numerous times, I saw a striking âpattern in the rug.â These disadvantaged volunteers accurately perceived that they themselves were considered the community problem. Occasionally, impoverished white youth from rural or suburban areas said the same thing. I never heard young people who were neither poor nor minority say it.
Similar prevention programs exist nationwide, in which organizers and youth explain volunteer work in similar terms.
A similar inspiration fuels prevention programs around the country. Here is one from Nevada, where a school district had started a mariachi band, so students could learn to play this kind of Mexican folk music. Critics said the program was too expensive:
Many schools no longer automatically receive funds for music classes, so they have to compete for grants.6 Of course, the young musicians, like the young volunteers, may, as a by-product, learn to take pleasure in the music, or the volunteering. Sensual pleasure in the presentâin the music itselfâmay very well overtake the musicâs future-oriented utility.7 How-ever, as these multiple excerpts from field work show, the public message was very hard to ignore since it was reaffirmed so frequently, by many voices. The sensual feel in the present and the public justifications about the distant future, both felt real.
Seeing the pattern in the rug is easiest when the pattern is interrupted: At Casa Latina, an after-school program for Spanish-speaking 11â14-year-olds, the adult leader Laura sometimes invited youth to help solve the worldâs problems, rather than only treating the young people as the problem themselves. One day, Laura asked her teens to write messages on a banner that she was going to bring to a pro-bicycle, anti-car rally. When she, and I, and the other volunteers heard this interaction, the jolt of recognition of the absent common pattern made us all laugh aloud:
Lauraâs teens expected to be asked to prevent themselves from becoming problemsânot to get drunk, fat, or high. They did not expect an invitation to act as independent civic equals who would protest the worldâs problems, and not just fix their own personal problems. They were so unprepared for Lauraâs invitation, they misinterpreted it. Everyone knew, but could not say that, whether skating, singing, or fishing (as in other programs nationwide), the funding came with the purpose of preventing them from becoming problems. Without knowing this prediction of future disaster, one could not participate competently in the programs. It was what brought them togetherâwith each other, and with their beloved organizer, Emilyâin the first place.
This message delivered a possible moral insult to disadvantaged youth. The puzzle was to act as if disadvantaged participants were in the civic engagement project for the same reasons that other participants were, even when it was not quite true yet. This was puzzling when, for example, youth from Community Houseâs free after-school program attended evening meetings of the Regional YEP just to have somewhere to go at night. To NOYOâs adult organizers, but never to youth participants, Emily sometimes said that some of those quiet participants just wanted to stay away from abusive or unpleasant relatives. Empowerment Talk extends the hope that becoming volunteers will strengthen these youth, protecting the helper from misery, as it did in the case of Daisy, the girl who become an extremely active volunteer after having been close to suicide at age thirteen.
Organizers hoped that the story about civic empowerment would eventually fit youth like twelve-year-old Raul, even if it did not do so just yet. Raul came to meeting after meeting, doing nothing but twiddling his mini-sized Nacho Doritos⢠bags, trying to balance one full Nacho Doritos bag upside down on top of an empty one. He never looked up and never said a word except at one meeting, when he mentioned th...