Part One
Chapter One
âA HISTORY WITH FEELINGâ
IN DECEMBER 1951, SHEN CONGWEN joined a mission to observe the outcome of Land Reform in Sichuan Province. On the road, Shen wrote a series of letters to his wife, Zhang Zhaohe, and two sons. One dated January 25, 1952, is of particular interest. Shen writes that he was left alone to guard an old house that night; he could not sleep due to the noise of neighbors coughing and quarreling. To pass the time, he turned to an abridged edition of the Shiji ĺ˛č¨ (The record of the historian) that he had found in the trash a few days earlier. As he thumbed through the Liezhuan ĺĺł (Biographies) section, he âseemed to enter the ambiance of two thousand years ago: the lived circumstances of the author and the feeling with which he wrote the biographies.â1 Shen contemplates how loneliness could help one generate new ideas:
When analyzed in terms of its figuresâ experiences, one strain of Chinese historyâthat which pertains to the development of feelingsâis inextricable from loneliness. The abstract inclination of Oriental thought cannot be separated from feeling either. Therefore, the discourse of âfeelingâ (youqing ćć
) and the discourse of âactionsâ (shigong äşĺ)2 are sometimes united into one, but more often than not, they are opposed to each other, forming a state of contradiction. If one harbors âfeelingâ throughout life, one may end up violating the societal demand of âactions.â ⌠Whereas Guan Zhong 玥䝲 and Yan Ying ć台 are seen as paragons of âactions,â Qu Yuan and Jia Yi čłčŞź are seen as cases of âfeeling.â It follows that âfeelingâ often implies âincompetenceâ and, by corollary, âignorance.â3
Nevertheless, Shen continues, ââactionsâ is something one can always learn and emulate, but âfeelingâ remains unfathomable.â4
For Shen Congwen, Sima Qian ĺ¸éŚŹéˇ (145?â86 B.C.), the author of The Record of the Historian, is a great historian not only because he chronicles dynastic vicissitudes and heroic deeds with professional rigor but also because he entertains an extraordinary vision of what history is and should be. This enables Sima Qian to probe individual lives at their most compelling while never losing sight of the overarching magnitude of the time and environment with which the individuals interact. Shen contends that this vision âhas to do with that which the author has learned from his own life in totalityâ:
[Sima Qianâs] life was rich and mature. This richness and maturity did not come from his learning any more than from his own experience of pathos and pain. The Nianbiao 嚴襨 (Annals) of the Records of the Historian deals with accomplishments, a section that was completed through archival research. The Biographies, however, required something special of the authorâs life. To put it in a less sophisticated way, it could be accomplished only through feeling, feeling that came into existence as a result of the sedimentation of pain. This feeling is a deep perception of life, love of the most profound kind, and knowledge and understanding that go through and beyond actions.5
From the key wordsââloneliness,â âpain,â âpathos,â and above all, âqing/feelingââone can imagine how reactionary Shen must have sounded even to the letterâs addressees, his family members. China was celebrating the beginning of a new epoch, but Shen withdrew into ancient times, pondering the meaning of history and feeling. The 1951â52 trip was meant to have him witness the success of the revolution, an accomplishment of shigong indeed, yet it led him to contemplate the poetics of pain and pathos.6
Shen makes Sima Qian the implied interlocutor of his letter. As he suggests, through reading select passages of the Records of the Historian, he enters a contact zone where disparate temporalities fold into each other at the incantation of qing. Likewise, Shen gestures toward the possibility that his own sounding could resonate at other moments of history. At stake here is Shenâs radical dialogue with the dominant discourse of the new regime. In contrast with the linear, progressive timeline of revolution, Shen opts for an alternative history, which he sees as a constellation of events, agents, art objects, and sentiments illuminating one another across time and space. Instead of chronicling man-made miracles and disasters, Shenâs history inquires into the intricate turbulences underlying individual lives. Where the socialist telos thrives, Shen calls on the archaeology of qing/feeling.
The most polemical point of Shenâs letter pertains to the representability of history in literary terms. Shen considers Sima Qian a great historian and writer, capable of âdepicting a given historical figure in a few hundred words while already showing the spiritual communication between the author and the figure under treatment.â7 He finds in Sima Qianâs language the hinge where the represented and representation meet. Insofar as its intelligibility is premised on the succession between past and present, language is to Shen not a transparent vehicle but a palpable sign, a figure, resulting from the sensory data and evocative stimuli of a time. Thus, with the case of the Records of the Historian in mind, Shen concludes that a great history has to be a literary history in the first place, inscribed by language as well as feeling.8
Shen Congwen is not unaware of the shortcomings of his vision. When he describes violence and pain as both the motivations of and impediments to a historian like Sima Qian, he is already thinking of the limitations of writing a history with feeling, then and in his own time. As his letter intimates, it will be ironic if the new political regime vows to represent âthe insulted and the woundedâ yet adopts the conventional âvictorâs historiographyâ it claims to have abolishedâproving its legitimacy by subscribing to a discourse reminiscent of the bygone history of âactions.â Shenâs musing brings to mind Walter Benjaminâs notion that all histories are records of the victors overwriting the losers, and therefore amount to a repeated exercise of barbarism.9
Benjamin tried to overcome the tiring repetition of the ânewnessâ of history by taking a messianic cum materialist leap into the state of ânow.â10 Shen Congwen does not have such a religious or ideological grounding in his re-vision of history. Instead, he proposes to resort to the mnemonic art of lyrical incantation, a poetic endeavor to construe qingâthe quintessence of humanityâby conceptual, figurative, and performative means. In this, he is resonating with the traditional Chinese poetics of remembering and re-membering the past, shishi or poetry as history.11 But Shen is always mindful of the uncertain fate of such a lyrical endeavor; ruination and oblivion are merely the most obvious risks. He even hints that qing manifests itself in history only by default. As described above, the copy of the Records of the Historian he read on the Sichuan trip was only found by chance in the trash. Moreover, that his historical contemplation could b...