1. Voting Why should we vote?
Your vote is your voice. Without a vote, youâre silent, and you will be ignored. Iâll expand on this some more because this is a book, not a slogan, but everything comes back to that simple point. Your vote is your voice.
Perhaps being ignored isnât so bad. Itâs not like it makes a difference to your lives anyway, right? Well, Iâm afraid it does. For years now, there has been a steady and worrying decline in the number of young people voting. So young people have less of a voice. At the last general election in 2010, 76 per cent of over-65s voted, while only 44 per cent aged 18â24 did. This unequal turnout gives older voters a much greater influence on elections. Research has found that the UK has one of the largest differences in voter turnout between young and old people in the whole of Europe. Thatâs an embarrassment. Whatâs more, as young voter numbers dwindle, so too does the incentive for politicians to care about the issues most relevant to them. Thatâs the thing that hurts. The government looks after the people that vote for it. So while pensioners get triple-locked pensions (basically, pensions that will go up with the cost of living, at least), young people get trebled tuition fees. And guess who is paying for all of those pensions for all those old people? Weirdly, itâll be young people. Because thatâs how our pension system works.
Itâs also young people who have been most affected by the evil combination of falling real wages (wages going up less quickly than living costs) and rising costs of essential goods. A study by the excellent Intergenerational Foundation has shown that the average weekly wages of workers aged 18â21 have fallen by nearly 20 per cent in real terms since 1997. Whereas workers in their fifties have seen their wages increase by 25 per cent over the same period. Public-spending cuts have hit young people the hardest too. A study has shown that, since 2010, in real, cash terms, over-55s are on average about ÂŁ1,300 worse off because of the cuts, while 16â20-year-olds are ÂŁ2,800 worse off. It really is that simple. On top of that, young people canât afford to buy homes because there arenât enough and the ones that are available are too damn expensive.
It feels as if an entire generation is choosing not to exert any influence over who gets to run our country, and therefore how they run it. The whole point of a democracy is that we get to collectively decide on the things that matter to us. We cannot do that if we donât vote. And for all our complaints about the system, we have to accept that if we donât participate in elections, we canât change anything. And we will get hit the hardest.
The number of young people volunteering in their local area and getting involved with campaigns and causes has never been greater. So as I said in the introduction, the low voter turnout is not down to apathy. Young people care about stuff. Itâs just that the link needs to be made between that stuff and politics. Because politics affects everything. What I hope to show you in these pages is not just what is happening in this country on a big scale, but also how the governmentâs decisions and the policies of the parties affect our day-today lives; our jobs, our health and our families.
Obviously I would say this, but I think itâs a really exciting time to be voting. It feels like the days of there only being two (or two-and-a-half) parties we can realistically vote for â Labour or Conservative (and maybe Liberal Democrats) â are over. Their dominance is slipping and the so-called minor parties are making up ground. Lots of people still maintain that voting for one of the minor parties is a wasted vote. I feel like even the term itself, âwasted votesâ, is putting young people off voting. It just sounds so⌠pointless. These minor or âfringeâ parties, whether theyâre on the left or the right of the political spectrum, provide more choice. And choice is a good thing. The âwasted voteâ argument goes like this â if you vote for a minor party, you will be dividing the opposition. So letâs say in a particular seat it is close between the Conservatives and Labour. The Conservatives would say that if you vote for UKIP, that will be taking votes from them, and youâll end up with a Labour victory. Labour would say that if you vote Green in that seat, youâll be taking votes from them, and youâll end up with a Conservative victory.
That may be true, but other people will say that this attitude is self-fulfilling and defeatist. By definition, if large numbers vote for a minor party, then they are no longer a minor party. Thatâs exactly what has happened â the electorate have created a change. In 2010, the Lib Dems were the most prominent of those minor parties. This time who knows who it will be (polling suggests UKIP). This is, in the words of Green Party leader Natalie Bennett, âreally healthy for politicsâ.
I was genuinely thrilled when I saw a poll recently where people were asked âWould you vote for this party if you thought they had a chance of winning in your constituency?â The results were fascinating. Labour and the Conservatives were tied at about 35 per cent, which is not far off where they poll generally. Then it was the Greens with 26 per cent, UKIP with 24 per cent and the Lib Dems with 16 per cent. The Greens on 26 per cent is extraordinary because in the standard polls (which ask âWho are you actually going to vote for?â) they had been scoring around 7 per cent. What is holding the Greens back is that people donât think they stand a chance of winning seats. Because âthey canât winâ. Well, maybe they could. If all of that 26 per cent just put aside tactical voting, protest voting, not voting because thereâs âno pointâ and voting out of habit â basically if those people put aside voting for any reason other than voting for who they think is the best candidate â then the Greens would win a lot more seats. And actually, the same thing applies to UKIP.
So what I am suggesting is â donât be put off voting by feeling that your vote will be âwastedâ. When youâre working out who to vote for, and I hope that this book will help give some of you the information that you need to do that, donât pay any attention to the polls in your area. Or the national ones. Donât listen to the people who say âitâs only between Party X and Party Y around hereâ. When people listen to that, everything stays the same. Everyone needs to have an idea of what they want for our country and from our government, and equally they need an idea of what they want from their local MP. So take the time to work out which of the candidates and parties best match up with your vision, and vote for them. Donât worry about anything else. If everyone did that, we could see some momentous results. So if you want to vote Green â vote Green. If you want to vote UKIP â vote UKIP. And so on.
I realise that safe seats â you can read more about these in the Representation chapter â are frustrating. But they donât necessarily stay safe for ever. Nothing is fixed in that way. In 2008, Crewe and Nantwich, a safe seat that had only ever been held by Labour, was won by the Conservatives. Last year, there was a by-election in the constituency of Heywood and Middleton in Greater Manchester, which is Labour heartland. That seat has been considered safe for years, but Labour only won it from UKIP by the skin of its teeth. Thatâs worrying for Labour, but great for our democracy. It shows that change can happen. It also means that the parties canât afford to neglect safe seats. They have to go after your vote, which is the way it should be. Nigel Farage has come out and said that he doesnât believe safe seats exist any more. Natalie Bennett agrees, saying, âUKIP is a threat to both Labour and Tories, and its new-found popularity means that swathes of the country which were once considered safe seats are no longer secure.â Of course, it is in their interests to say that, but they are right. Everything is up for grabs.
Whatâs more is that the youth vote has enormous power. There will be 6.8 million 18â24-year-olds eligible to vote in May 2015, thatâs nearly 14 per cent of the electorate. Studies suggest that around 190 seats could be decided by a 5 per cent shift in votes, and that means the youth vote could decide those outcomes. Another report by the Intergenerational Foundation concludes that, based on the 2010 election results, an increase of just 10 per cent in the number of 18â34-year-olds voting would change the result in 83 seats. So it is plain wrong to think that your vote doesnât count for anything. To put it in simple terms, at the last general election, if all of the eligible young people had voted for Labour, weâd now have a different party in government. That is a huge difference. The only thing that is guaranteed not to make a difference is if you donât vote.
This is all well and good but what if, after figuring out what you want from your MP and the government, you find that none of the parties and none of the candidates represent you well enough? That is perfectly possible. Then what should you do? Well, if you honestly donât feel that you can even identify a âbest of a bad bunchâ, donât vote for any of them. But you can still vote, and make your voice heard.
As the title of the book suggests, and as I said in the introduction, I hope that one day there will be a âNone of the Aboveâ box on the ballot paper. They have just introduced one in India â the thirteenth country to give their people the option to reject all candidates. For now, though, there is a way around the problem: itâs called âspoiling your ballotâ. What that means is that you have submitted your ballot paper but not made it clear who youâve voted for. I find the name â âspoilingâ â annoying, because it makes it sound like a mistake, or an act of naughty rebellion. It doesnât have to be either. You could simply cross through all of the options and write None of the Above. You could even use a sticker from the cover of a book. That is a totally fair vote and, crucially, it will get counted. If you donât vote, that doesnât get counted and, trust me, you will get written off as apathetic. There is nothing apathetic about spoiling your ballot if you donât feel that you can vote for any of the parties.
There are other things you can do too. If you feel totally disenchanted with what you see on offer, why not join a political party and fight to change things from within? Or why not create your own political party? That sounds farfetched, but in Spain a new party called Podemos (which means âWe Canâ) started in early 2014 and won five seats at the European Elections. It has the second largest membership of any party in Spain and itâs barely a year old. That is incredibly inspiring. The simple fact is that the more people we have challenging those in power, the healthier our democracy becomes. And the primary way that we challenge and make our voices heard is by voting.
There are things that politicians could do to help increase the youth turnout. Voting should be online, and at some point it will be online. That is inevitable â there are several very well-funded companies developing the technology right now. Young people are digital natives, so itâs obvious that we should be taking voting to where they are. It would also help anyone who has struggled to get to a polling station for whatever reason. Security concerns are exaggerated â if weâre happy to bank online, surely we should be happy to vote online. Iâm surprised that none of the parties has come out and said that they will introduce online voting by, say, 2020. Apart from anything else, just supporting online voting would itself be a vote winner with young people, simply because it would demonstrate an interest in getting them to vote. An interest that is sorely lacking at the moment.
Iâll say it one more time. If you care about anything in this book â you have to VOTE.
2. Party Differences Arenât all the parties the same?
In a word, no. Whatâs striking is that this misconception actually suits politicians down to the ground. Because if you think like that, it means youâre much less likely to vote. Which leaves politicians to focus on winning the support of the people who they know will vote (hello, old people), which is much more likely to get results than going after people who might. And as I explained in the previous chapter, the result of this is: young people getting screwed.
When Russell Brand talks about having no one to vote for, he is referencing this notion that the parties are âall the sameâ. Actually, he would have to accept that that isnât true â what is holding him back from voting is that he doesnât feel that there is a party that represents his values, which is a different point. A colleague of mine once mentioned to Brand the idea of spoiling his ballot, and he responded by getting quite cross and saying that was childish, or words to that effect. I would argue thatâs what they (Iâm not quite sure who I mean by âtheyâ â the political class, maybe) want you to think.
Anyway, I maintain that the parties are fundamentally different, and that it is possible to tell them apart. The terms that get bandied about most when talking about political parties are âleft wingâ, âright wingâ and âmoderateâ (or âcentristâ). What do they all mean? Well, depending on their politics, people answer this question in very different ways. Hereâs my best, simplified representation of how both the left and the right see things.
The world according to the left
âWe on the left believe in equality. We seek to achieve this by sharing wealth around. One of the ways we do this is through taxation. We believe in fairness, and it is fair that the rich should give some of their money to the poor, so that ultimately, there is no rich and poor. When people are struggling, when people are ill, we believe the moral thing to do is to is to support them. The free health service is one of our ideas. So are welfare benefits.
âWe are progressive. We have been at the forefront of pushing for the fair treatment of minorities. The left has always supported things like LGBT rights. People on the margins â be they the disabled, ethnic minorities, immigrants, or whoever â have friends on the left. We will always stick up for them. We wonât give up on people who get in trouble either. Weâll try to help you, not punish you.
âWe have to regulate businesses, because otherwise they will run wild with their rampant capitalism and thirst for profit. The right are obsessed with the free market and itâs âfreedom to succeedâ, but itâs not freedom to succeed â itâs freedom to fail! Itâs not Survival of the Fittest, itâs Death of the Weakest!
âWe tend to be outward-looking and to work with other countries. In recent years we have tended to support being part of the EU, and other international institutions like the European Court of Human Rights. We believe foreign policy should be just, and believe itâs not only morally right but in our own interests to help fund development overseas.
âWhen Ed Miliband went on political show The Agenda, he ended up having a disagreement with Mylene Klass over the mansion tax. They were never going to agree, because their worldviews are so different. It is fair that we tax the rich! She would never understand that.â
The world according to the right
âWe on the right believe in equality and fairness too! But not like those Lefties. We want to live in a world where everyone has the opportunity to work hard and do well for themselves. We believe in a strong country that we can be proud of â and many of us say a strong defence is the first duty of government. We donât see anything wrong with putting our own people first.
âWe are worried about the numbers of immigrants because of the pressure on public services, housing and wages. We also worry that they are not integrating and continue to live in separate communities. Although some of the business owners among us favour immigration, we all agree the test should be whatâs good for the country. If immigrants arenât good for Britain, then they canât keep coming here. We tend to be more sceptical of how effective international aid is.
âWe believe there is nothing wrong with defending traditional values and institutions â although we are willing to move with the times. Many of us supported gay marriage, for example. The left is obsessed with rehabilitation of criminals â all very noble, but victims should always be put first, and the deterrent by strong punishments will keep our citizens safe.
âWhenever governments interfere with the market, they tend to make things worse. The market has given us fantastic wealth and prosperity â what would you rather, the untold misery of a Communist regime?
âWhat Mylene Klass said to Ed Miliband was spot on â you canât just point at things and tax them! Of course you shouldnât tax people to high heaven whoâve worked hard to make money and then give it to someone whoâs done nothing! How is that possibly fair?â
The political spectrum, from left-wing, to moderate, to right-wing, doesnât totally describe the range of ideologies, and there are lots of issues â for example, civil liberties (things like freedom of speech and privacy) â which are hard to fit onto this left/right axis. In fact many people are sceptical of the definitions, and no doubt itâs possible to pick holes in the accounts Iâve written above, but the truth is that these terms do still get used. They are clearly helpful for people trying to understand where the parties stand.
When youâre choosing who to vote for, itâs well worth having a think about these opposing positions. Work out which you agree with most. Itâs really important to figure these things out for yourself, donât just follow the lead of family or friends or whoever. Whatever you decide will be the right answer for you. Anyone who tells you otherwise is wrong. In this book, Iâll try to get across the views of the left and the right so you can make up your own mind. And remember that when making your decision about who to support, you are unl...