The Emergence of a Transnational Framework in Immigrant Health Behavior Research
Immigrant health research has historically been dominated by attention to the ways in which immigrants assimilate, or acquire the social, cultural, economic, and political attributes typically ascribed to the US “mainstream.” There has been a particularly notable emphasis on the relationship between cultural dimensions of assimilation or acculturation (Abraido-Lanza, Armbrister, Florez, & Aguirre, 2006; Abraído-Lanza et al., 2016; Lara, Gamboa, Kahramanian, Morales, & Bautista, 2005). This literature typically adopts a “straight-line” assimilationist orientation, either explicitly or implicitly assuming that with increased time in the US, immigrants will be at greater risk of adopting the norms, preferences, and behaviors that are characteristic of their US-born counterparts (Abraído-Lanza et al., 2016).
This chapter considers age at migration as our marker of assimilation. This commonly adopted indicator of US assimilation incorporates information about both relative years spent in the US as well as the developmental timing of that exposure. In general, those who migrate at earlier ages may have a more accelerated assimilation trajectory than their counterparts who migrate in adulthood, and are often hypothesized to be at greater risk for adopting behaviors that are typical of the US population at large. Age at migration may also contribute to the development of key social influences on health behaviors, such as language, social networks, and environments (Leu et al., 2008). Compared to adults, children and adolescent immigrants are exposed to a greater number of institutions, such as schools, youth organizations, social clubs, and friendship networks that facilitate integration into their new society (Takeuchi, Hong, Gile, & Alegría, 2007). These early social relationships and environments may establish immigrants’ orientation toward alcohol use into adulthood (Zucker, Donovan, Masten, Mattson, & Moss, 2008), which is the focus of our empirical example.
In contrast to the focus on US-oriented assimilation of health behaviors, immigration scholars across the social sciences have long considered and debated the role of ongoing connection to places of origin for immigrants and their family members (Levitt & Jaworsky, 2007; Waldinger, 2015). These connections may be maintained through ongoing communication by mail, phone, text, or social media, through financial transfers or remittances, through return visits back to communities of origin, as well as ongoing engagement with political, economic, and cultural practices, even from a far.
A recent groundswell of literature theorizes and tests the relationships between ongoing transnational engagement – primarily by way of cross-border ties to family and friends and return visits – and the health of immigrants (Acevedo-Garcia et al., 2012; Viruell-Fuentes & Schulz, 2009). Within the transnationalism framework, cross-border ties are defined as the social connections maintained with close kin in countries of origin that not only include physical contact (such as visits) but may also include financial and cultural aspects of transnationalism.1 Scholars have found evidence that cross-border contact with family and friends living in countries of origin is associated with mental health and overall well-being among immigrant populations in the US (Alcántara, Molina, et al., 2015; Samari, 2016; Torres, Alcántara, et al., 2016). While we are not aware of any empirical work examining the relationship between cross-border ties and alcohol use, some work has found a relationship between cross-border ties and other health outcomes, including self-rated health (Afulani, Torres, Sudhinaraset, & Asunka, 2016; Torres, 2013), health behaviors such as smoking (Alcántara, Molina, et al., 2015), as well as self-reported body mass index (Gorman & Novoa, 2016).
Most of the extant research on transnationalism and health has emphasized a stress and coping perspective, suggesting that maintaining contact with family and friends in communities of origin can serve as both a protective and a risk factor for emotional well-being (Alcántara, Chen, et al., 2015; Torres, Alcántara, et al., 2016). In particular, scholars suggest that ongoing cross-border connection may offer immigrants an “alternative space of belonging” (Viruell-Fuentes & Schulz, 2009) within a broader familial or ethnonational network that might have otherwise been disrupted by migration (Torres, Alcántara, et al., 2016). However, as with other social relationships, cross-border relationships may serve as a source of strain or burden. Conversely, cross-border relationships necessarily entail cross-border separation; cross-border separation may be linked to acute psychological distress for immigrants, particularly in a geopolitical context in which return visits to places of origin and/or family reunification in the US may be impossible.
There may be other pathways by which cross-border ties influence health behaviors among immigrants. Cross-border ties may serve as an important source of norms and social influence. For example, greater contact with the country of origin may contribute to patterns of health behavior that reflect country of origin trends. This viewpoint is informed by social norms theory, in which perceptions of peer behaviors have an effect on the individual’s own behavior (Maxwell, 2002; Rosenquist, Murabito, Fowler, & Christakis, 2010; Unger & Molina). In general, social networks and relationships play an important role in predicting alcohol consumption behavior (Rosenquist et al., 2010). Norms around health-related consumption patterns in countries of origin have been found to have long-term effects on health behaviors among immigrants. For example, Asian immigrants from countries with strong drinking cultures are more likely to have problematic drinking patterns after migrating to the US (Cook, Karriker-Jaffe, Bond, & Lui, 2014).
Continued cross-border ties may thus reinforce behavioral patterns that reflect immigrants’ places of origin, serving as an ongoing channel of influence for immigrants even after migration. Qualitative research has documented the influence of cross-border connections on the everyday dietary behaviors of immigrants in the US (Handley et al., 2013). In an analysis of data from a national sample of foreign-born Latinos living in the US, Alcántara and authors (2015) found that more frequent return visits to countries of origin was associated with greater odds of being a current smoker. However, sending remittances to family and friends abroad was associated with lower odds of being a current smoker, with particularly strong protective effects for women.