BEATRICE HANSSEN
An anecdote in which Kant captures himself in pithy fashion:
[Kantâs] Famulus, a theologian who was unable to connect philosophy to theology, once asked Kant for advice as to what he should read on the subject.
Kant: Read travel literature.
Famulus: In dogmatic philosophy, there are things I do not understand.
Kant: Read travel literature.
Walter Benjamin, âUnknown Anecdotes about Kantâ, GS 4:809
Could one think of Benjamin as a peripatetic philosopher, a philosopher in motion, a critic on the go, whose cultural theory reflected the position of the nomadic intellectual in modernity? Surely it is well known that National Socialism forced Benjamin into exile, into an enforced nomadic existence in Paris, where he would wander from one borrowed room and apartment to the next. Less a topic of consideration, however, is the fact that during the Weimar years, Benjamin practised the fine art of travel, gravitating to Paris like his affluent intellectual friends. Unlike Kant, who never left KĂśnigsberg, Benjamin crisscrossed Europe, visiting numerous cities and places about which he dispatched literary postcards,
Denkbilder, thought-images, full of moving physiognomical details about the urban topographies of cities such as Berlin, Paris, Moscow, Naples or Marseilles. Unlike the reclusive Nietzsche, Benjamin stayed at a distance from the mountains and the green pastures, evoking nature only in its auratic capacity, as he wandered through the streets of urban Europe, developing a method of cultural analysis that was honed on the activity, the profane illumination, of the flâneur. These literary postcards were to become the seeds of the cultural theory of modernity and the metropolis on which Benjamin was at work in the late 1920s and 30s, and which would be consecrated in his unfinished
magnum opus, The Arcades Project or
Passagen-Werk. Crafting his philosophical theory on the road, so to speak, Benjamin described a criticâflâneur who, from the pictorial and photographic annals of the past and from the remnants of almost forgotten topographies, the Parisian arcades, would seek to release the dialectical image. Moreover, as a peripatetic critic, Benjamin simultaneously emerged as a writer in search of a new habitat; not just because of his love of the Berlin cafĂŠs, where he wrote the better part of the
Trauerspielbuch, or because of his search for the comfort of tranquility in the Rue Dombasle and the Bibliothèque Nationale. Instead, as an early draft of
The Arcades Project indicates, Benjamin decried modernityâs alienation as a collective state of no longer being
heimisch or
at home. Seeking to remedy this condition of homelessness, he charted the changed urban
habitat required of the new historical subjects â a motley group which included flâneurs, surrealist artists and energized political crowds, whose new politicized gaze and activism were to be at home in cafĂŠs, movie theatres or even arcades.
These introductory comments to the present volume will pursue part of Benjaminâs path as criticâflâneur and specifically his search for a new imaginary, on the way to The Arcades Project. As such, they are meant to save his work from Adornoâs charge that Benjaminâs project was too imagistic, and that, like Kierkegaardâs existentialist philosophy, it potentially might be too aesthetic, insofar as it lacked the constellation of theory. Indeed, I will submit that Benjamin himself was acutely aware of the dangers that beset his theory of the image. Thus, as flâneur and critic, one could argue, Benjamin on the one hand was prone to the torpor of the melancholic, who in trying to recapture images of the past, risked assembling a nostalgic photo album of sorts, for example, in âBerliner Chronikâ, which he dedicated to his son. On the other hand, Benjamin developed into the cultural collector of dialectical images, who, unlike Heidegger, did not decry modernity as the age of the Weltbild, the world image, but who sought to understand history precisely as a complex dialectic of images.
THE PHANTASMAGORIA OF PARIS
Benjamin visited Paris for the first time in 1926, together with his friend Franz Hessel, with whom he was engaged in a translation of Proust, just a few years after he himself had published his own translation of Baudelaireâs
Tableaux Parisiens. A francophile of the first order, Franz Hessel had exported the art form of flânerie from Paris to his home turf Berlin, and in 1929 would publish a collection of anecdotal essays called
Spazieren in Berlin. But by the time of his first Paris visit, Benjamin had already learned to turn city-scapes and urban topographies into texts and
physiognomies, open to interpretation. For together with Asja Lacis, whom he had met in Capri, he wrote one of his early city text âNaplesâ, in 1924â25, focusing on
the same motifs that were to gain prominence in later city work: the catacombs, poverty, architecture, public theatricality, gambling, street vending, the dispersal of objects (
Zerstreutheit), private life, domesticity, the
habitat, the house, childrenâs toys and the physiognomy of corporeal gestures. Indeed, practising the genre of the
kleine Form, the âshort formâ, which included the essay, the newspaper article and the aphorism, in the years 1923â26, Benjamin was at work on a collection of aphorisms about Berlin, originally to be called
Street Closed to Traffic (StraĂe Gesperrt), but eventually to be published in 1927 as
One-Way Street.
Yet no city more than Paris provided an agreeable sensory overload to Benjaminâs perceptual apparatus. Overwhelmed by the intoxicating excitement of the French capital, Benjamin gave himself up to the pleasures of flânerie, the magic of the fair (Jahrmaerkte), to the point where the art of flânerie even threatened to take the place of reading and study. This is how he describes the experience in a 1926 letter to his then fiancĂŠe Jula Cohn:
I often saunter along the quays [of the Seine] in a state of complete relaxation; real finds have become very rare there and the sight of countless ordinary books gives me a certain sense of satisfaction. All this strolling [Flânieren] along the streets also makes it easy to get out of the habit of reading for a while, or so it seems to me.
(GB 3:139, C 297, letter of 1926 to Jula Cohn)
Flânerie â of course â was an urban art form, a leisure habit, made famous by dandies, such as the poet Baudelaire, not the healthy exercise of strolling or walking, spazieren, prescribed by doctors as a means to ward off melancholy. Kant, who associated melancholy with genius, took such a remedial stroll on a daily basis always at the same time, to the point where the townspeople of KĂśnigsberg could set their clocks by it. Alternatively, Spazieren, as practised by Hessel, amounted to the fashionable, aesthetic display of the self in peregrinations through the city-scape and encounters with the âcrowdsâ (never the masses). Unlike the reveries of the solitary walker Rousseau, flânerie involved the gregarious if defiant encounter with passers-by, a social ritual of the bourgeois upper class.
More than to the quays of Paris with their famous
bouquinistes, however, Benjamin was drawn to the space of the arcades, to the point where on 30 January 1928, he wrote to Scholem that he was working on a text called âParisian Arcade â A Dialectical Fairylandâ (âPariser Passage â eine dialektische Feerieâ). As half-forgotten, yet still existing,
phantasmagorias, these arcades impressed Benjamin, who recognized in them the haven of magical objects, remnants from the past, former abodes of fairies, and an enchanted world that, paradoxically, had grown dimmer as gaslight was replaced with electricity. Transfixed in time, the wax dolls and advertising dummies on the shopsâ facades resembled the sleeping beauty out of whose slumber Benjamin
hoped to awaken her (
Trauerspielbuch). Seeing parallels between modernity and antiquity, Benjamin noted how the Parisian arcades escaped the rectangular and perspectival reorganization of Paris under Haussmann and how they pulled away into gates, porticos, and entries to a Hades-like realm, the realm of the dead of the catacombs and cemeteries, the space of subterranean collectivities. While being the epitome of the modern metropolis, Paris remained a mythical realm, whose labyrinthine topography acquired mythical dimensions, of the sort also analysed by Caillois. In parenthesis one might note that it is no coincidence that during his first visit to Paris, Benjamin stayed in the hotel Floridor diagonally across from the entrance to the Parisian catacombs, a reminder of the allegorical figure of the skull, in the
Trauerspielbuch. And, to make matters even more interesting, the hotel was located around the corner of the Montparnasse cemetery, site of Baudelaireâs grave.
Already in an early 1927 draft, Pariser Passagen 2, Benjamin evoked two attitudes that marked his early understanding of the criticâflâneur: on the one hand, the dreaming idlerâs anamnestic intoxication, as the flâneur was inundated with a flood of images, and, on the other hand, a gesture of fixation through which the cultural historian froze these images into an archive of anamnestic recollection. At the centre of this double experience lay the dialectical concept of (authentic) boredom, which was the outside layer of unconscious dreaming; for in the intoxicated state of wandering aimlessly through the streets, the flâneur turned the city into a landscape, or a topography of memory, through which he acquired a âfelt knowingâ (gefuehltes Wissen). Flânerie, as evoked in the earliest phases of Benjaminâs Arcades Project, followed the same flux and rush of intoxication that marked the hashish-eater, who absorbed space, experienced a âcolportage-likeâ spatial state â spatialized time â that is, a heightened sensitivity that allowed for the simultaneous sensation and evocation of multiple layers of space. The idler, ambling through the arcades without a fixed goal (ohne Ziel), succumbed to a condition of euphoria and inebriation, comparable to the dandyâs boredom. Authentic boredom, or Langeweile in German (which literally means long time, or the stretching of time in ambling and idling), was the grey shawl, the veil, in which this subject was wrapped, while the shawlâs hidden orange lining evoked the state of dreaming, a heightened visionary or poetic consciousness of images, whose flux into reality the surrealists had made possible (Pariser Passagen 2, PW 1053, 1054; AP 880â81).
Thus, it soon appeared that Benjaminâs first forays into the art of flânerie were inspired not just by Baudelaire but by the surrealists, who he had discovered around 1925, and whose method of dreaming he adopted in âDream Kitschâ (1926). Indeed, in his oft-quoted aphorism: The father of surrealism was Dada, its mother an arcade (
GS 2.3:1033;
PW 1057;
PW 133;
AP 883), Benjamin alluded to the
Passage de LâOpĂŠra and the cafĂŠ Certa in which Aragon and Breton used to meet, and which was described in
all its glory in Aragonâs 1924
Paysan de Paris, a book Benjamin had partly translated into German. Thus, the new style of walking through the past, in which the cityscape emerged as landscape (Hofmannsthal) and parlour, was in fact the product of the artistic revolution ushered in by surrealism, to which Benjamin would devote his important 1929 essay. There he would hail surrealismâs transformation of the public city-scape into a new
habitat, a dwelling, a living space, in which the streets were the home of the flâneur and masses (
GS 3:196), replacing the enclosure of the bourgeois
intĂŠrieur. It was the new art of living outside the space of the Biedermeier
intĂŠrieur, a dialectical image that Adorno, following Benjamin would analyse in his book on Kierkegaardâs existentialist philosophy. Moreover, the new appreciation of space was matched by a new transparent architecture, of the kind inaugurated by modernist architects like Le Corbusier and Mendelssohn, or theorists such as Giedion, and evoked in the transparent glass house at the center of Bretonâs 1928 ânovelâ
Nadja. This architecture of demolition and destruction, which expressed Nietzscheâs embrace of uprooting violence, had erased the antiquarian traces of the past, much as Benjaminâs âDestructive Characterâ (1931) would set himself up as the enemy of the
Etui-Menschen (GS 4.2:1000) â a human boxed in, clasped in a jewel case. The demolition of homely space spelled the end of the epoch of bourgeois moralism symbolized by the enclosed
intĂŠrieur and brought with it the beginning of a new ârevolutionary virtueâ (ibid.), that is, the intoxicating frenzy of a moral exhibitionism (ibid.). But in order to make oneself at home in the city streets a new
gaze was in order, a new mode of seeing, which broke with the bad habits of historicism, its museal monumentalism and souvenir hunting â a reference to Nietzsche â that is, with the âpious gaze glued to
das Musealeâ (
SW 2:264, corr.;
GS 3:197) or the âgreat reminiscences, the historical
frissonsâ of travelling tourists (
SW 2:263;
GS 3:195). The new way of seeing now was to be focused on the micrological, on a new âsense of realityâ that paid attention to âchronicle, document and detailâ (
GS 3:194). Thanks to this new gaze, the crossing of a new threshold (
Schwelle) became possible, an image that Benjamin enhanced by invoking the mythical
plebs deorum (SW 2:264), the house gods or female guardians, who facilitated the crossing of what once were mere wooden or metaphorical thresholds (ibid.).
Centrally, Benjaminâs surrealism essay introduced the flâneur as nothing more nor less than a profanely illuminated type, a label he shared with other characters such as the reader, the thinker, the waiting one, the opium-eater, the dreamer and the inebriated type. Seeking to develop a dialectical concept of intoxication, Benjamin hoped to chart a path away from mere anarchistic revolt and mere subversion to the coming of the real revolution; this new historico-political stage, he suggested, could be reached once surrealism â[appropriated] the energies of intoxication for the revolutionâ (
GS 2.1:307;
SW 2:216). Fusing politics with anthropology, Benjamin was in search of the dialectical interpenetration of âpolitical materialismâ and âphysical creaturesâ.
Profane illumination was the new stage that would set an end to the torpor and the inauthentic boredom of modernity in the thrall of too much contemplation; Benjaminâs aim was the transformation of âan extreme contemplative position in revolutionary oppositionâ (
GS 2.1:303;
SW 2:213) through radical spiritual freedom, which, in decisive manner (Schmitt), did away with the post-war boredom, nihilism, and climate of eternal discussion, the post-First World War lassitude of Weimar Germany and Europe. Interested in unfolding the dialectical kernel at the heart of surrealism, Benjamin promoted the new existential experience, the
Existenzform of surrealism, insofar as it did not hesitate to venture to the uttermost limits of what was possible (
GS 2.1:296;
SW 2:208). Surrealism enabled the release of a flood of images, rushing across the threshold between sleep and awakening and it provoked a new synaesthetic experience in which sound and image merged, spelling an end to conventional Meaning.
Thus, the new type of revolution required not just a change in external historical conditions but it exacted a new
Gesinnung (GS 2.1:308;
SW 2:216) or
attitude, in other words, the replacement of the
historical with the political gaze (GS 2.1:300;
SW 2:210) and what Benjamin called âthe organization of pessimismâ (
GS 2.1:308;
SW 2:216) â pessimism here being a code word for nihilism. As a state of ecstasy, profane illumination did not just produce the âlooseningâ of the I, but it allowed the subject to engage in real political
Erfahrung, free from contemplative overtheorizing or too much speculative theory. Still, the surrealist state of intoxication was not to be confused with Marxâs rejection of religion as opium of the people. Rather, its roots were to be found in mystical
Minne, in the ecstasy of mystical love which was matched by sobriety in a parallel world. For the subjectâs profane illumination found its complement in what Benjamin called the sobering mysticism of things, a condition in which the revolutionary energies of objects, architecture, iron construction, fashion and so forth burst forth. Exploding the confines of their old habitat, the
intĂŠrieur, or
die gute Stube, these formerly enslaved now liberated things announced the coming of a
revolutionary nihilism, which I believe to be comparable to Nietzscheâs strategic nihilism. No figures more than Breton and his lover Nadja possessed this revolutionary gaze, for in their capacity as lovers they knew how to âconvert everything that we have experienced on mournful railway journeysâ; travelling through the abject proletarian quarters of Paris, they transformed these scenes into revolutionary experience and action, bringing the âmoodâ (
Stimmung â not atmosphere) lurking in things to explosion. Their prime love object, of course, was Paris herself, whose streets were to be flooded by the liberated masses and whose surrealist face emerged in full glory in the book
Nadja. As such, the dialectic of intoxication, Benjamin suggested, could be seen to be at work in Bretonâs picture book,
Nadja. For the technique of releasing dream images that Breton and Nadja practised in their ambles through Paris was matched by the fact that its author, at decisive moments, inserted
images, photos and drawings into the text, thus turning Parisian space into the illustrations and pictures of a cheap âcolportageâ novel (
GS 2.1:298;
SW 2:208).
This âliving in imagesâ, enacted quite literally in Bretonâs colportage novel, is of course something that Benjamin himself tried out frequently. Both a book...