CHAPTER 1
Introduction
WANG Luolin and ZHU Ling
Abstract
One of the key objectives of Chinaās anti-poverty policies is to alleviate severe and chronic poverty, while also eliminating temporary poverty. The poor rural residents of the Tibetan Plateau suffer from severe poverty, which requires the government to take comprehensive, multi-dimensional measures, to help them break through the poverty trap. Apart from implementing a policy aimed at guaranteeing a minimum standard of living, the government should also invest in infrastructure, information provision, skills training, market organization development, technical support, education, improvements in public health and the provision of other social services.
Keywords: Rural Tibetan Regions; Poverty Alleviation; Development Policies.
I Background and Objective of the Study
Most of the Tibetan population in China is scattered around the Tibetan Plateau, and nearly half of them live in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR). The rest live in the ten Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures under the jurisdiction of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan Provinces.1 These areas have a cold climate, high mountains, deep valleys and poor infrastructure. The Tibetan-inhabited regions have also historically lagged behind the national average, in terms of social and economic development. This gap has still not been bridged. In the Tibetan-inhabited regions, about 70% to 80% of laborers make a living through planting crops, undertaking pastoral activity, collecting and other temporary jobs. The incidence of poverty among the farmers and herdsmen is noticeably higher than the national average.2
Because of these factors, the Tibetan-inhabited regions have become a key area where the nationās regional development policies and anti- poverty programs are being carried out. Since the 1950s, Chinaās central government has implemented policies including financial transfers to the TAR, as well as direct investment into local infrastructure and public services. The local finance and public services in other Tibetan regions are mainly funded by their provincial governments. However, all of these provinces are found in underdeveloped regions in western China, especially Qinghai and Gansu, whose provincial finances rely heavily on subsidies from the central government. Therefore, there are very limited resources available to these provincial governments to provide for the development of the Tibetan-inhabited regions.
Since the market-oriented economic reforms, the gap has got even larger in terms of the amount of aid available for Tibetan-inhabited regions, under the jurisdiction of different administrative divisions. In 1980, 1984, 1994 and 2001, the central government has held four Tibet work forums, in which it laid down a number of special promotion policies aimed at boosting Tibetan development.3 However, it is also the case that the provincial Tibetan regions have not all been treated equally. Even in the provinces neighboring TAR, there are fewer financial resources available and the standard of welfare provided to the residents is much lower than that found in the TAR. For these reasons, the local governments have been appealing to the central government to change its policies. In the fifth Tibet work forum held in 2010, the central government eventually responded to their demands. In the newly drafted plan on regional development, it has not only increased the provision of financial aid and the number of direct investment projects in the TAR, but has also included the public investment of central finance in the Tibetan regions of Sichuan, Yunnan, Qinghai and Gansu.4 Yet the investment made by the central government still differs among administrative divisions, which means that Tibetan regions under the jurisdiction of different administrative divisions will still experience differing policies.
Few foreign economists have probed into the development of antipoverty policies in the Tibetan-inhabited regions. Foreign scholars who have looked at this area of research are mostly anthropologists.5 On the other hand, domestic research tends to focus on five separate areas. The first group tends to focus on the Tibetan economy or the development of an industrial economy, with no analysis of the impact of economic development on different social groups.6 The second group focuses on the impact of history, geographical location and development policies, on the whole Tibetan population. This type of research lacks an analysis of the social structure in the same area and in the same community.7 The third group focuses on social relations among various communities in the process of social and economic development, yet fails to probe into the marginal groups.8 The fourth group turns its eye to the living conditions of the poor and explores ways and means to eliminate regional poverty that has come about because of the vast differences in income, yet fails to observe poverty from a multi-dimensional perspective.9 The fifth group takes a multi-dimensional perspective, discussing the means by which poor farmers and herdsmen can escape poverty, but it only touches upon one of the Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures.10
Over the past decade, the research team from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) on Tibetan development has undertaken comprehensive studies on the following key questions by taking advantage of collaborative work among scholars from multiple disciplines. Firstly, what are the most urgent living and development needs of the poor who live in Tibetan regions? What kind of aid are they most in need of? Secondly, what impact has existing anti-poverty and regional development policies had on the poor in these regions? Thirdly, in carrying out anti-poverty and development plans, what institutional innovations have these regions witnessed that can help the poor break through the poverty trap and prevent poverty from being passed onto the next generation?
The so-called āpoverty trapā refers to the phenomenon of chronic poverty. To explain, the hardships the poor have to endure at each stage of their lives turn out to have a negative impact that only intensifies their poverty. These factors interact with each other and form a vicious cycle, consequently trapping individuals or families in a sad predicament with no way for them to get out.11 The āintergenerational poverty transmissionā refers to the fact that children from poor families inherit the predicament from their parents when they grow up and are likely to pass on this poverty onto the next generation. For example, if a family lacks a secure source of food, this would inevitably result in the malnutrition of their children, which in turn affects their ability to acquire knowledge and skills. Furthermore, it is quite likely that these same children would be less capable in a work environment once they have grown up, and thus their meager income may well result in them suffering from a lack of food. And so the cycle continues, as they pass on the same problems to their own children.
To better understand the causes and processes that have resulted in those Tibetan farmers and herdsmen becoming impoverished, our research team has done the following fieldwork in the TAR and the provincial Tibetan regions, successively, from the perspectives of economics, law, sociology, ethnology and religion, with a focus on the aforementioned key issues. From 2000 to 2001, we did a case study in the Tibetan region in Yunnan Province on the theme āChoice of Development Mode in Regions Lagging Behindā12; from 2002 to 2004, we did a study on the development of TAR under the theme āMarketization and Grass-Root Public Servicesā13; from 2004 to 2005, we did research in the Tibetan areas in Sichuan and Changdu on the theme āEliminating Barriers to Developmentā14; from 2006 to 2007, we did research in the rural Tibetan regions of Qinghai, Gansu and Yunnan Provinces on the theme āStudy on Anti-Poverty and Development Policies in Northwest Frigid Mountainous Areasā.15 In 2011, our research team revisited Tibetan areas found in Sichuan and Changdu to survey the role of public services and social protection policies aimed at reducing the extreme poverty suffered by many farmers. This piece of research allowed us to compare the changes in differ-ent regions, as well as the changes within a specific region, over different periods of time.
The content of this book is based on fieldwork that our research team conducted from 2006 to 2007 in Qinghai, Gansu and Yunnan. There are three purposes behind the writing of the book. Firstly, based on a multi-dimensional study on poverty, it provides a reference point for the central and local governments to improve anti-poverty programs and design long-term development strategies in the Tibetan regions. Secondly, by producing a theoretical framework that can work in line with practical research results, it provides a decent amount of material as well as useful conceptual material that other developing countries and societies undergoing a transformation can learn from. Thirdly, by illustrating our discoveries with stories that occurred in regions involved, the book aims to attract non-academic readers to these issues and aims to enrich their knowledge of the current developments in rural Tibetan regions.
II Research Approach
Our research team is composed of members from different ethnic backgrounds, who have received training in varied disciplines. Each member is responsible for a sub-topic, which include areas such as the rural household economy, education, health, social assistance and disaster relief. The basic methodology that the team has adopted is that of using case studies. Each member of the team collected firsthand data by doing interviews with government officials (of varying ranks and in different regions), providers of basic public services and other state-owned institutes, members of village committees, family members found in rural communities, laborers and businessmen, lamas in temples, laymen, as well as local and migrant entrepreneurs.
The research sites are scattered across three provinces and nine counties. The first research site is Xiahe and Zhuoni Counties in South Gansu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, and the neighboring areas of Linxia and Hezheng Counties in Linxia Hui (Moslem) Autonomous Prefecture. The second area is Shangri-La County in Diqing Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Yunnan. The third is Maqin and Dari Counties of Guoluo Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture of Qinghai, as well as Yushu and Chengduo Counties of Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. Among these areas, both the incidence of poverty and the poverty recurrence rate in rural Gansu are the highest in the nation, reaching 21.3% province-wide in 2008.16 Both Linxia and Hezheng are agricultural areas dominated by crop farming. These areas feature an arid climate, a large population and limited farmlands. As a result, a large number of male laborers have left these counties in order to engage in trade, mainly in Qinghai and the TAR. Xiahe and Zhuoni are semi-agricultural and semi-pastoral areas. Due to a rapid increase in the population, the local residents have reclaimed land in order to grow crops so as to meet the growing demand, which in turn, has caused the deterioration of the eco-environment.
The counties in Qinghai Province where we did our research are located at the ā Source of the Three Riversā (the source of the Yangtze River, Yellow River and Lancang River). The average altitude of Guoluo and Yushu, two Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures, is 4,200 meters and 4,400 meters respectively, and most residents make a living by grazing their animals on the land all year around. Dawu, the prefecture capital of Guoluo, is 440 kilometers away from the provincial capital, Xiāning; whereas Jiegu, the prefecture capital of Yushu, is 800 kilometers away. Yet the transport infrastructure, specifically the quality of the roads in Guoluo, is much worse than those found in Yushu. A cold climate, frequent natural disasters, remoteness (in terms of geography) and poor public transportation not only characterize the region, but also account for a number of major factors that have led to its lagging behind other areas in terms of social and economic development (when making a comparison at provincial level). According to the information provided by Qinghai Bureau of Statistics, the regionās absolute poverty line is set at an annual net income of 800 yuan per capita, whereas the low-income line is set at an annual ...