Counselling in a Multicultural Society

Stephen Palmer, Pittu D Laungani, Stephen Palmer, Pittu D Laungani

• Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd
• Year: 1998
• Print ISBN: 9780761950653, 9780761950646
• eBook ISBN: 9781446224663
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: History & Theory in Psychology
• Index: Psychology

`The book aptly describes, explores and hits the core of very complex issues around race, racism, culture, difference, dual identity, stereotypes, immigration and alienation... It is also very thought-provoking, raising questions about one?s own ability to work more flexibly in the consulting room with clients of different backgrounds.... It is excellent for a directory of resources, useful for training purposes and an enabling "role model" for good practice in counselling in a multicultural society. I enjoyed it.... It should be a required handbook on the shelf of every caring professional working within a multicultural environment or setting? - Transformations, The PCSR Journal

This book examines the many complex issues surrounding counselling and therapy in a multicultural society. It aims to sensitize readers to the cultural and racial setting in which counselling occurs, and to raise awareness of the specific counselling needs of those from differing backgrounds.

The book explores the impact of culture on identity, and of cultural differences on interaction. It looks at how one might take a client?s cultural context into consideration, or deal with racism, and provides a sophisticated account of the salient value systems of Western and non-Western cultures. Contributors also challenge the suitability of a client-centred approach for clients from non-Western backgrounds, and explore the possibilities for transcultural, culture-centred and multimodal models of counselling in the West.

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THE CHALLENGES OF COUNSELLING IN A MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY

Don Rawson, Graham Whitehead and Mohan Luthra

The practice of counselling has boomed in recent years. At the same time, counselling skills have been assimilated as an allied activity in many professions (such as social work, primary health care, education and even business consultancy). This has been attended by a proliferation of training courses offering a wide range of theoretical perspectives. Yet despite such expansion, there is cause for concern that counselling is set within a historically and culturally narrow structure. This is at odds with the increasingly multicultural society. The spread of training opportunities has evolved from a background of mostly psychodynamic, cognitive behavioural and humanistic traditions. Though these have much to offer, they are deeply embedded within a particular monocultural framework.

As McLeod (1996: 108) cogently summarizes, ‘On the whole, the theory and practice of counselling and psychotherapy have served the dominant groups in society and largely ignored the problem of people who are disadvantaged against.’

Considerable demographic movement in the UK in the post-war years has resulted in transcultural communication being a necessity for many people using counselling skills. Multiculturalism demands the counselling profession expand its compass, and offer much more than is currently available.

Wrenn (1962) best describes the challenge, in positing that the transculturally competent counsellor needs to overcome ‘cultural encapsulation’.

Terminology and contemporary discourses: the meaning of ethnicity, race and culture

The use of language is a sensitive area in cross-cultural studies. The term ‘minority’, for example, although frequently used to refer to some ethnic groups can be construed as insensitive by people living in areas where the term is statistically incorrect and inappropriately implies being outside the mainstream and hence of less social importance. Rack (1982) promotes the term ‘cosmopolitan’ to replace ‘ethnic minority’, which has now become a euphemism for a disadvantaged group in need of help.

Ethnicity can be a euphemism for race but is more commonly used to denote common origin. The concept thus overlaps with cultural and other identities. Race refers primarily to inherited physical characteristics. The biological basis for differences might have some evolutionary and health interest (for example, the function of skin pigmentation in adapting to climatic differences). Since, however, the concept reduces to gross appearance (skin colour, body shape, hair type etc.), its meaning is constrained by social and political values. Its pejorative derivative ‘racism’ amounts to a set of beliefs that one group who are identifiable by their physical characteristics are thereby of less value or inferior to another.

Culture has pedigree as a sociological and anthropological concept. It denotes how people live their lives through their particular beliefs and social practices, including religion and family customs. The across cultures epithet preferred in this volume currently retains positive connotations. Sadly, however, where there is such a powerful set of social values, words can quickly cascade into negative associations. It may be that in a few years time, even the word ‘culture’ will be read as yet another outmoded euphemism for the same negative stereotyping.

Appropriate language selection is also an essential part of the transcultural process in counselling. This, however, is a tall order, and fear of using the wrong words, terminology and responses, no matter how well intentioned, can be all too easily misconstrued in cross-cultural communication. The reluctance of some practitioners to tackle culturally sensitive themes can no doubt be explained by this difficulty. Goldsborough (1996) asks why even the mention of equal opportunities reduces many to boredom, anger or anxiety, and concludes that awareness-raising exercises can, if badly handled, be attacking rather than challenging and supportive of change.

Terminology in this field has evolved considerably in recent years, with multiculturalism becoming a significant force in the development of academic debate and social policy. Pedersen (1996) argues that multicultural theory is a ‘bottom up’ social movement. That is, multiculturalism has developed as social migrations have brought different cultures together which then highlight similarities and differences. Pedersen (1996) cautions, however, that the thinking behind the label multiculturalism has as much to do with defending social, economic and political colonization as with the desire to celebrate differences.

Different terms have become current in the debate surrounding cross-cultural counselling, with influential writers advocating particular phrases. They portray a distinct emphasis in the recognition of cultural difference. D’Ardenne and Mahtani (1989), for example, give preference for the active, reciprocal/relational and dynamic associations of transcultural. Others include cross-cultural (Pedersen, 1985), and intercultural (Kareem and Littlewood, 1992).

Subtle changes from major to minor

We are, of course, more context-bound than we think. Problems may arise where a minority cultural pattern is at variance with the dominant culture’s time frame. Equally, it may offer legally sanctioned transitions which are at odds with the traditional mores of minority cultures.

Burnham (1986) also identifies problems inherent in time-related cultural patterns. For example, some of our customs are prescribed by law, such as children must attend school from the time they are 5 years old. Others, however, such as marriage and leaving home may be determined by other cultural forces. As Burnham (1986: 38) aptly summarizes, ‘Such events signal cultural-specific rules.’

The greatest consequence for counsellors is to understand different practices in child rearing and the development of the family life cycle (Carter and McGoldrick, 1980). The literature on mid-life matters for different cultural groups, for example, is very sparse (Brown and Able Smith, 1996). This is significant given the advancing social demographic trend. Namely, a whole new ethnically diverse generation will soon be at the age where retirement becomes a major life transition.

Robbins (1996) reports that there is evidence that in many cultures the roles of men are changing and thus critically affecting help-seeking. The degree and pace of change, however, varies from culture to culture. Professional counselling is seen by Nigerian men as inappropriate where they support a large extended family. In Greece it is seen as an admission of weakness. This is also reflected in British regional and class differences. Northern working men are said to be similar in their attitudes to the Greeks. In the South, in contrast, middle-class men are more likely to accept the need for professional help.

Models to help counsellors understand cultural diversity

McGoldrick et al. (1982) published the first comprehensive attempt to map diverse ethnic groups in terms of cultural history, values and ethnically identifiable characteristics. In the USA a number of texts have since added to this stock of factual information on the cultural patterns of various ethnic minority groups. Little similar information has been collated in the UK (though Karmi, 1996, has been found useful, if somewhat brief). Krause and Miller (1995), however, are critical of this approach as almost being a travel guide for the counsellor to tour through the cultures of their clients.

In sounding cautions on the colonialism of psychological therapies and the implied racism of ‘factual’ stereotypes, Krause and Miller (1995) wish to challenge assumptions of cultural uniformity. Instead, a framework is suggested of ‘good enough’ transcultural understanding. As Krause and Miller express (1995: 155), ‘We have no choice but to communicate with our clients through cultural codes.’

Fernando (1995) advocates a ‘Relativistic multi-systemic approach’ to problems of mental health and also emphasizes that culture is not fixed. Strong identification of ethnic diversity and cultural differences can lead to a view of culture as preset in a monolithic framework, whereas culture is constantly developing. Fernando (1995: 206) posits, ‘culture of a group is something that “emerges” from society at large, including historical knowledge but by no means dominated by traditions.’

Most therapeutic models take little account of the complexity of relationships in the extended family. D’Ardenne and Mahtani (1989) contend that therapeutic models almost all have an emphasis on the self which undervalues the place of family and culture. The experience of clients brought up by many ‘mothers’ or other forms of collective child rearing practices may simply be beyond the explanatory reach of therapeutic models predicated on assumptions of dyadic parental units. Kareem (1988) describes the experience of a Nigerian client who was ‘stuck’ in accounting for his relationship to his mother. The client, however, had been fed by nine pairs of breasts. Cross-cultural counselling requires more than acceptance of differences, it demands knowledge and appreciation of divergent social structures and a sophisticated understanding of sociopsychological development.

In the Western world the dyadic relationship remains a significant social unit (Bubenzer and West, 1993). The nature of coupling, moreover, is voluntary, in contrast to the inherited ties and arranged alliances which sometimes characterize extended families. Against this, it should be said, some Western people, especially women, stay involuntarily in marriages because they fear the alternative; either social isolation following separation/divorce or financial disadvantage.

Models of the psychological functioning of black clients have been proposed with the aim of helping therapists improve the therapeutic process. Jones (1985), for example, proposes an interactive model for working with black clients which moves through the following stages:

1. Reactions to racial oppression.
2. Influence of the majority culture.
3. Influence of the client’s culture.
4. Individual and family experiences and endowments.

Notice that the direction of exploration is opposite to the usual route of psychotherapeutic work (that is, from large macro influences towards more local influences of family). Other practical ways of engaging black clients at the early stages of therapy have been put forwards in order to build a treatment relationship (Jenkins, 1985).

The politics of identity

Erickson (1968) proposed that identity is a construct that represents a combination of individual uniqueness plus a striving for continuity of experience and group solidarity. He went on to hypothesize that the quality of an individual’s psychological adjustment was dependent upon their personal identity (that is, one’s feelings and attitudes towards oneself), their reference group orientation (that is, the extent to which one uses the value systems and culture of particular groups to guide one’s feelings, thoughts and behaviours) and how they ascribe identity (that is, an individual’s conscious affiliation or commitment to a particular group).

In colonial societies, identity is a central issue for people in a minority situation. The context they belong to is a matter of social and political empowerment as well as psychological wellbeing. Counsellors need to understand the psychological correlates of accepting an identity that has been conferred rather than being self-constructed.

Much postmodernist writing implies that identity can almost be chosen and that multidimensionality and fluidity of identities is a new phenomenon. In societies which have long been made of multiple ethnic and religious identities (pluralist societies), however, this has long been accepted as the social norm. Historically it has never been documented to be a source of psychological dysfunctioning. In any case, a number of forces from within ethnic communities and from the outside (such as Westernization and racism) shape the nature of identities of various ethnic groups in a British setting.

If the postmodern thinking about identity is to be believed, identity confusion is likely to be higher amongst the indigenous young people reared on a diet of rationalist certainties of modernism and very prone to the feeling of being alone in a culture much imbued with individualism and privacy. Hence, for many within the British Asian community the idea of being an Asian coexists (sometimes comfortably, sometimes not) with the idea of being a Muslim, another long distance identity without national identity. The Chinese also have a long distance affiliative non-nationalist identity. This is well known and owned by the various Chinese communities, aided further by the emerging economic culturalism which refers to the Chinese way.

Gilroy (1993) has attempted to establish the idea of a new distinct identity of being Black Atlantic for the African-Caribbean people, who are increasingly intermarrying into the indigenous white British population. For the growing number of children of mixed origin the experience of belonging to a black identity is a more important feature of their identity than skin colour. To this end Gilroy endeavours to develop a non-racialized identity whilst avoiding the pitfalls of ethnonationalism as well as Afrocentricism.

Struggles with dual identity are perhaps strongest in cases of transracial adoption (Jardine, 1996). Being manifestly part of one racial group on the outside and another adopting group on the inside, these people find themselves unable to voice their concerns about racism, unable to relate to their racial self and of being a stranger in that group. Jardine pleads for counsellors to take the cultural background of such clients into consideration, and acknowledge their experience of racism. The transculturally adopted have experiences synonymous with that of ethnic minority and black groups.

Cross (1971) provides a model of Black racial identity development entitled ‘The negro-to-black-conversion-experience’: This describes the attainment of positive identity via the following five stages:

1. Pre-encounter.
2. Encounter.
3. Immersion-emergence.
4. Internalization.
5. Internalization-commitment.

Gilroy (1993) adds another stage in which the individual does not see being an antiracist as the sole conception of their being.

The stages describe a shift from low self-esteem and acceptance of inferiority, through anger and guilt in becoming aware of oppression, through immersion in the world of ‘blackness’, to a developing sense of liberation. This culminates in a major psychological shift from negative to positive self-concept. The latter is said to be accompanied by realistic perceptions of individual position in society, and leads to challenges and activism.

The model, however, is not intended to be linear and applicable to every minority. It should not be assumed that all black and ethnic people start at the pre-encounter stages. Many young people have a positive sense of themselves and their racial identity from childhood. Furthermore, the extent to which a person is likely to start at the beginning will depend upon the extent to which they belong to a colonial experience of cultural imperialism.

Racism and transcultural counselling

Arguably, the re...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Contributors
• Introduction: Counselling in a Multicultural Society
• 1 The Challenges of Counselling in a Multicultural Society
• 2 Culture and Identity: Implications for Counselling
• 3 Culture, Counselling and Racial Issues
• 4 Models of Counselling and Psychotherapy for a Multiethnic Society
• 5 Assessing the Counselling Needs of the Ethnic Minorities in Britain
• 6 Client Centred or Culture Centred Counselling?
• 7 In Search of Effective Counselling Across Cultures
• 8 Developing an Individual Counselling Programme: a Multimodal Perspective
• Afterword
• Appendix 1 Recommended Reading
• Appendix 2 Cross-cultural Counselling and Psychotherapy Centres and Other Relevant Organizations
• Index