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The Critical Backstory
Jem Bloomfield
In 1651, Samuel Sheppard declared that after reading Websterâs The White Devil, people would no longer bother with the classical tragedies of Euripides and Sophocles.1 In 1856, Charles Kingsley opined that Vittoria Corombona was exactly the sort of criminal young woman that London magistrates had to deal with every week. In 1989, Dympna Callaghan suggested that Websterâs play showed that the entire genre of tragedy was inherently flawed. As these few examples imply, the critical backstory of The White Devil is both a dramatic and eccentric one. The play has been subject to a range of critical paradigms and frameworks in the centuries since the first printing of 1612; at different times commentators have valued aesthetic smoothness, moral aptness, conceptual coherence, realism of representation, rounded characters, thematic unity, moral vision, chaotic alienation and ironic distance. Websterâs work is likely to be accorded a higher valuation under some of these criteria than others, but it is striking how often The White Devil transgresses these canons or resists explanation by them. The play is so very frequently âwrongâ, when judged according to a shifting array of aesthetic and moral standards, and critical appreciation of it often takes on the character of apology, explanation or justification. Just as the stage history of Websterâs plays is marked by productions which declare themselves as ârevivalsâ, their critical history involves a series of conscious ârecuperationsâ or ârevaluationsâ. This does not account for the entire history, but it is frequent enough to feature as a significant factor in any account of that history. Judgements on The White Devil, whether positive or negative, are often arranged around an implicit (or explicit) âbutâ. Therefore, what follows is not a comprehensive history of what has been said about the play but rather an account of some of the tragedyâs most critical âproblematicâ focal points. I have directed attention towards the disagreements and complications which form such a part of the playâs critical history. This should both provide a more accurate account of how the play has been regarded than a simple account of description and exegesis, and help to avoid (as much as possible) a narrative of how people in the past gradually came to understand the play better as they became more like us. It should also provide the reader with some sense of what has been going on in the generations before they turned up, orienting them in the turmoil whose aftershocks continue to shape the landscape of thought and practice around this play.
Perhaps the first piece of literary criticism we should take into account is by Webster himself, in a bad tempered and defensive epistle to the reader attached to the playâs initial printing in 1612. The playâs performance at the old-fashioned and open air Red Bull had been a flop for which the author clearly felt justification was necessary, or for which blame should be apportioned. He begins with this declaration:
Webster also staves off several expected criticisms, including the suggestion that he has broken poetic conventions and that his writing practice is overly laborious:
Whether or not we accept the goose quill (or its absence) as a valid standard of canonicity, we can recognize Websterâs preface as an attempt to control the criteria by which his work has been judged. As Zachary Lesser and Douglas Brooks have demonstrated, this authorial passage before the main text was part of an attempt within in the early modern book trade to create a category of âliterary playbooksâ.4 These volumes frame their contents in terms of aesthetic value and the appreciation of a discriminating readership, defining themselves apart from â and in some cases in direct opposition to â the theatrical popularity which was cited proudly on other title pages. Websterâs epistle makes an effort to involve the reader in a narrative of cultured judgement, retrospectively relocating his play from the Red Bull theatre to the more exclusive Blackfriars or even to the imagined library of the book buyer. In presenting a standard by which to evaluate his play, Webster tacitly gives the reader a standard to live up to. His classical references offer them a literary game to play if they will accept the legitimacy of his work.
Despite the paucity of formal literary criticism in the seventeenth century, Websterâs epistle appears to have succeeded in at least one case. In 1651, Samuel Sheppard included a commendatory poem on The White Devil in his Epigrams Theological, Philosophical and Romantic:
Sheppardâs references to classical tragedians praise Webster by accepting his self-description as their equal, in the preface to The White Devil. Indeed Sheppard goes one step further, using the familiar metaphor of the ânever-withering baysâ to imagine art as a transhistorical competition, in which Webster has surpassed his exemplars. The rather bland hearsay opinion of âone well skilled in Artsâ chimes with the epistleâs stress on individual judgement by properly qualified readers, rather than appealing to popularity or the general voice. Sheppard also introduces a couple of themes which were significant in the playâs ensuing critical reception: the unusual construction of Websterâs dramaturgy, and the sexual culpability (or otherwise) of Vittoria. In the rest of this chapter, I will use these themes to organize my discussion of The White Devilâs critical backstory and also add another from Websterâs own epistle: his perennial comparison with Shakespeare.
The problem of Vittoriaâs guilt
Over the centuries Vittoriaâs character and, in particular, her culpability, have provided a problem around which commentary and criticism have gathered. It is not simply that she is a powerful central figure who commits morally wrong acts â though this has, in itself, been enough to provoke anxious and elaborate commentaries â but also that the play seems to ascribe fluctuating characteristics to her. In some scenes, Vittoria appears both devious and calculating and yet, in others, she speaks with apparent sincerity and integrity. Arguments about Vittoriaâs character are, thus, often concerned with questions of moral blame and justification, as well as with the theatreâs ability to represent the world in accurate and realistic ways.
Sheppardâs poem dismisses the titular character of the tragedy, referring misogynistically to âVittoria Corombona, that famed whoreâ; it reflects the later critical tendency to reduce the roleâs complexity to her sexual transgressions. We should perhaps read âfamedâ not solely as a reference to her public shaming within the play or the notoriety of the historical Vittoria Corombona, but also as a natural complement to âwhoreâ. Early modern concerns around womenâs sexualities and their proper place in the social order come together in assumptions about the unchastity of women who are âpublicâ in some sense. To be spoken of too much, on whatever basis, is to attract suspicion (hence the paradox of women famous for their private virtues), and Sheppardâs phrase performs the easy slip between meanings: Vittoria is not only âfamedâ for being a âwhoreâ, she is also a âwhoreâ because of her âfameâ.
No sustained discussions of the play have survived between the mid-seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries. However, when it then reappears in critical commentary, Vittoriaâs conduct and character are once again a significant factor. William Hazlitt gives a remarkable and impressionistic description in Lectures Chiefly on the Dramatic Literature of the Age of Elizabeth (1820):
Hazlitt seems to admit her guilt while also feeling that the audience should (or does) side with her. Violence and disease are made beautiful, and even justified by the greater evil of those around her: she is âpersecutedâ and magnificent.
By the time Hazlitt described this âkilling scorn and pernicious beautyâ, Charles Lamb had already, in 1808, introduced a phrase into criticism of The White Devil which would serve as touchstone and stimulus for subsequent commentators:
That âinnocence-resembling boldnessâ clearly distinguishes between the guilt that the audience is aware of (because they witnessed her crimes) and the characterâs demeanour within the trial scene. Though Lamb seems to intend a tribute to Websterâs characterization here, his emphasis on the admiration provoked in the onstage audience (the judges and ambassadors) towards the guilty women (Vittoria and Zanche) seems to have unsettled some other critics, as we shall see below. Lambâs description taps into the concerns around the possibility of male knowledge of womenâs motives, and the necessity of justice being performed publicly. In suggesting that the off-stage audience, or even the reader, might find themselves equally taken in by this âmatchless beautyâ and skilful pleading, Lamb implies there was something in the play which troubled the operations of moral and theatrical judgement â all without implying that Vittoria was innocent in any sense.
The Reverend Alexander Dyce is similarly enthusiastic in his praise of Websterâs character-drawing when he discusses Vittoria in his 1859 edition of Websterâs Works:
Having praised the skill with which the dramatist held together the variety of the central figure with such consistency, Dyce goes on to differ from Lambâs assessment. Where Lamb thought her âboldnessâ resembled innocence, Dyce suggests that Webster has written the character to demonstrate the âforced and practised presence of mindâ typical of a âhardened offenderâ.9 He insists that there is a difference between the âsimple confidenceâ which âthe innocent manifest under the imputation of a great crimeâ and the way V...