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Callimachus on Philology and Poetics
We have seen in the introduction that Callimachusâ world was, among other things, a world of scholarship, and that Callimachus himself was a scholar of literature and part of the world of philology. How, if at all, is this engagement with the world of the library at Alexandria visible in his work as a poet? And how does he engage with the literary and aesthetic debates and disputes that have often been asserted as a conspicuous feature of the world of Hellenistic scholarship and poetry?
Epigrams on writing
We start with a relatively straightforward example. When Callimachus was compiling the Pinakes (his extensive catalogue and guide to the literature in the library), he will have had to make judgements about editorial problems such as âwho is really the author of this poem?â (or âis this poem really by so-and-so?â). This kind of problem is turned into poetry in the following epigram, where the speaker is a book (Epigram 6 Pfeiffer = 55 Gow and Page):
I am the work of the Samian who once received in his house
the godlike bard; I commemorate Eurytus and his sufferings,
and fair-haired Ioleia, and I am called a Homeric
book â for Creophylus, dear Zeus, a big deal!
We are to imagine this written on a copy of the Sack of Oichalia by Creophylus; the work is identified as part of the world of reading and writing (âa Homeric bookâ).1 An early reader would probably encounter it in a book of epigrams by Callimachus (or read out from such a book), so must work out during the course of the little poem what is going on, and in the Greek as in my translation the key name âCreophylusâ is left until the last line. Creophylus was an epic poet of Samos (in some traditions Chios) and one of the Homeridae, a guild of bards associated with the early transmission of epic poetry, including Homer. He was believed to have been an associate of Homer himself, his friend or even son-in-law; Callimachus says that he entertained Homer in his house. The Sack of Oichalia told of Heraclesâ sack of the city of which Eurytus was king, and the abduction of Eurytusâ daughter Ioleia. So for a learned reader the details given in the first two and a half lines are enough to identify the work. Only at the end does the point become clear: some attributed the Sack of Oichalia to Homer himself. In other circumstances one might expect a poet to be annoyed that his work is attributed to another â but Creophylus is so much a lesser figure than Homer that in this case it is an honour! Our poet is a discriminating figure and knows better than to accept the false attribution. Here, presented with a light touch, is the sort of information which might be involved in an entry in the Pinakes: some biographical tradition about the author, the subject matter of his work, and the correction of a misattribution. But in the epigram it is transformed into a miniature puzzle and a sly joke about the hierarchy between the ordinary and the great: what a coup for Creophylus, that people took his work for Homerâs â even if this might have erased altogether his own name, which Callimachus can restore to him!
In another epigram, we see Callimachus as thoughtful critic, praising a contemporary poet, Aratus of Soloi (Epigram 27 Pfeiffer = 56 Gow and Page):
The song is Hesiodâs, and so is its manner, but not Hesiod
all the way; rather, I venture, the man from Soloi
has taken an impression from the most honey-sweet of his verses. Hail,
delicate discourses, symbol of Aratusâ sleeplessness!
Aratus, the author of a learned didactic poem about astronomy and meteorology, modelled on Hesiod, is praised, and praised in a way which demonstrates Callimachusâ understanding of his poetic technique with the insight of a practitioner and critic. He has imitated Hesiod, but selectively; the subtlety of his work illustrates the work involved (sleeplessness represents late nights stargazing â and also polishing his poem). This is a poetics of polish, and of intelligently selective imitation of the poetry of the past.
Callimachus could censure as well as praise. This fragment (398 Pfeiffer) comes from an otherwise lost epigram:
the Lyde, a fat piece of writing, and unclear
Here Callimachus criticizes Antimachusâ Lyde, a work we know only from fragments, consisting of a catalogue of unhappy mythological love affairs to console the poet for the loss of his girlfriend, Lyde.2 Antimachus worked in the late fifth/early fourth century BC, and was popular among the first generation of Hellenistic poets (he was praised by Asclepiades and Posidippus in epigrams: AP 9.63 = Asclepiades 32 Gow and Page; AP 12.168 = Posidippus 9 Gow and Page = Posidippus 140 in Austin and Bastianini 2002).3 Callimachus, however, rejects his work as âfatâ (this is a literal translation of the adjective ÏαÏÏÏ (pachus); like English âthickâ it can also mean âstupidâ, and it sometimes seems to imply âflorid, excessiveâ or âroughâ) and âunclearâ. This fits into a contrast between size, fatness, bloatedness, and subtlety and intelligence expressed on a smaller scale, which is a recurring theme in Callimachusâ poetics. Also characteristically, the Lyde is described as writing rather than song (ÎłÏÎŹÎŒÎŒÎ±, gramma).
Apollo in his Hymn
The next text we will consider has become a famous example, and may again involve a response to Antimachus. In the Hymn to Apollo, Callimachus starts by setting the scene: we are at a festival, and waiting for an epiphany of the god (1â8). How will he manifest himself? Another question is raised at lines 30â1, where the narrator is anticipating a choral performance in honour of the god:
Nor will the chorus sing of Phoebus for one day only,
for he is rich in song: who would not sing easily of Phoebus?
The assertion that Apollo provides so much material for song that a chorus will sing for more than a day about him makes one wonder about Callimachusâ hymn: given the huge quantity of possible material, how will his poem ever end? The answer comes more than seventy lines later, after praise of Apollo for his various roles, a narrative concerning the establishment of the festival of Apollo Carneius in Cyrene, and an account of the origins of the ritual cry hie, hie, paieon! At this point, fairly suddenly, the poem ends like this (105â13):
Envy spoke secretly in Apolloâs ear:
âI do not admire the singer who sings not as much as the sea.â
Apollo kicked Envy and spoke as follows:
âThe stream of the Assyrian river is big, but it drags along
many scourings from the land and much rubbish on its water.
To Deo the Melissae do not bring water from everywhere,
but the little stream that comes up pure and undefiled
from a holy spring, the choicest essence.â
Farewell, Lord! As for Blame, let him go where Envy dwells!
Both questions are answered together: despite the possibility of a song long enough to take more than a day, Apollo suddenly appears as the voice to mandate the curtailment of the much shorter poem, and two problems are neatly solved. Envy (ΊΞÏÎœÎżÏ, Phthonos) is a regular adversarial force in celebratory and praise poetry already in Pindar, whose songs frequently compete with the grumbling of envious people (ÏÎžÎżÎœÎ”Ïοί, phthoneroi). The poetics of size is explored through water. Envy conveys the idea âpoetry should be bigâ by saying it should be âas much as the seaâ (in one influential but controversial reading âthe seaâ is held to signify Homer, and we are concerned with the right way to respond to Homeric epic).4 Apollo, kicking him, clearly rejects this, but reframes the idea as a contrast between two forms of fresh water. The Assyrian river is the Euphrates: though big, it is polluted and dirty. By contrast, the Melissae (âBeesâ: a name for priestesses of Demeter) bring water to Deo (Demeter) from a source which is small, but pure and a perfect example of its kind. A similar metapoetic contrast seems already to be attested, again in Pindar (at the very end of the second Partheneion, fr. 94b.76â7, where the context is fragmentary, but the chorus is told to avoid salt water).5
Much of this metapoetic passage, then, has good precedent, and also seems specifically motivated by the needs of this song: it provides the anticipated epiphany and explains and motivates the end of the hymn. For all that, it can also be read as a more general statement of poetics and an intervention in a broader aesthetic dispute: Callimachus takes the opportunity to strike a blow in favour of an aesthetic of smallness and perfection rather than imperfect, polluted bigness. This sense of a more general aesthetic intervention, perhaps rather different from what we find in Pindar or elsewhere in the archaic and classical tradition, may be visible in a feature that has recently been observed in lines 108â10.6 Here a line which begins with A (for áŒÏÏÏ
ÏÎŻÎżÏ
, Assyriou, âAssyrianâ) is followed by two lines beginning LY and DE (λÏΌαÏα, lumata, âscouringsâ and Îηοáż, DÄoi, âto Deoâ). This might operate as a subtle acrostic pointing to Antimachusâ LydÄ (perhaps associating it with the dirty river Euphrates). This is remarkable â but acrostics are not unknown in poetry of this period (the most famous is at Aratus Phaenomena 783â7),7 and represent another way in which Hellenistic poetics engages more with the world of books and written texts: acrostics must be seen rather than heard. It suggests a much more esoteric engagement in poetics (but, importantly, a reader who âmissesâ the acrostic can still make sense of the text). It also suggests that the passage should be read as a more general intervention in the poetic debate of these times, one in which responses to Antimachus are a particular bone of contention: it does not seem that the Lyde is specifically relevant to the context in this hymn, except because it has to do with the distinction Callimachus is interested in between short, refined work and longer, less âpureâ writing.
Loving books
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