Secessionists and Other Scoundrels

Selections from Parson Brownlow's Book

Stephen V. Ash

• Publisher: LSU Press
• Year: 2015
• Topic: History
• eBook ISBN:
  9780807164839
• Subtopic: American Civil War History
• Index: History

"Readers will find Brownlow unique, above all, but as entertaining as he is sometimes thrillingly loathsome, full of great energy and rhetorical skill and rambunctiousness in the tradition of the tall tale vernacular writers of the time." -- David Madden, Director of the United States Civil War Center
East Tennessee newspaper editor and Methodist preacher William G. "Parson" Brownlow, a man of fervent principles and combative temperament, gained fame during the secession crisis as a staunch, outspoken southern unionist. Unlike most southern unionists, however, Brownlow refused to renounce his loyalty to the Union after the Civil War broke out. He continued to write editorial tirades against the Confederacy until forcibly silenced by southern authorities. Arrested, jailed, and ultimately banished to the North, Brownlow continued his war of words against the Confederacy through speaking tours and through the publication in 1862 of Sketches of the Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession; with a Narrative of Personal Adventures Among the Rebels -- a best-selling but ill-organized hodgepodge of his editorials, speeches, letters, and commentary. Secessionists and Other Scoundrels, a collection of selected excerpts from Brownlow's original, offers an accessible and powerful explication of the parson's unionism and a moving narrative of his travails under Confederate rule, without sacrificing the vitriolic prose and scathing wit for which he was celebrated -- and denounced.
In these pages the inimitable parson is at his best. By turns sarcastic, angry, high-minded, informative, compassionate, and droll, he forthrightly proclaims his convictions and excoriates his foes. Every sentence exemplifies the motto that adorned the masthead of his newspaper, the Knoxville Whig: "Cry aloud and spare not." In an informative introduction, editor Stephen V. Ash places the excerpts in context by sketching Brownlow's career, summarizing his historical significance, and discussing the history of the book itself. Civil War scholars and enthusiasts will welcome Secessionists and Other Scoundrels as an exciting and entertaining opportunity to be reintroduced to one of the era's most colorful and controversial characters.

IV

NARRATIVE:
IMPRISONMENT, RELEASE,
AND TRAVELS

Much of what now follows was written down by the author in small blank-books, with a pencil, in the Knoxville jail, and in a private room, while the outer doors were guarded with Rebel bayonets. That portion given in the form of a journal will be transmitted to posterity just as it was written down at the time, and without any attempt at polish. When most of these sketches reach the eyes of my prison-companions in the Knoxville jail, they will recall to them our mutual sufferings, and they will readily attest the truthfulness of my narrative. They will at once bear testimony as to the fidelity of my descriptions and the accuracy with which I have stated facts, although they will regret that I have not gone more into detail.

Whilst I desire to let the world see what the real spirit of Secession is in the South, and to expose the guilty leaders to the scorn and contempt of all coming generations, I wish to enlist the interests and sympathies of all who may find leisure to peruse these pages. I have known, during my darkest hour of trial, that I had the sympathies of all good citizens in the loyal States, and did not doubt that thousands of devout prayers were offered up for my preservation and ultimate release, and for the safety and release of the innocent Union men confined with me and in other jails. If in these pages I can vindicate my consistency and satisfy the public that their sympathies have been merited, I will have accomplished all that is desired or aimed at by the publication of them.

When the storm arose in the South—say a little over twelve months ago—and the current set in seemingly favorable to Secession, vast numbers rushed into their ranks, actuated by the worst motives that ever governed the actions of as many bad men—the daring and improvident, the indolent, the thoughtless, the bankrupts of the country, and the thousands indebted to Northern merchants, debauched members of the churches, apostate preachers, and the intemperate—all the loose elements of society in the towns and villages—those who were reckless of consequences, and to whom no change could be productive of injury—men who really had every thing to gain and nothing to lose, even by so violent and destructive a revolution.

And whilst many of the substantial men of the country entered the army—for the most part as officers, contractors, wagon-masters, and furnishers of supplies in various forms—a much greater number entered the service who were pusillanimous and worthless, lazy and sensual, having no visible means of support. Many of these were known to me in East Tennessee and other portions of the South; and I can safely say that when they entered the service, and were fitted out with suits of coarse jeans and supplied with army-rations, they were better dressed and fed than they ever had been before. Not a few of these entered the Rebel service with a view to get rid of their wives and children, who were looking to them for a support, and whose bread and meat were guaranteed by those who urged them to volunteer, but who, after they were gone, left their families to shift for themselves.

It was a common thing to hear men of this class, dressed in uniform, and under the influence of mean whiskey, swearing upon the streets that they intended to have their rights, or kill the last Lincolnite north of Mason & Dixon’s line! Ask one of them what rights he had lost and was so vehemently contending for, and the reply would be, the right to carry his negroes into the Territories. At the same time, the man never owned a negro in his life, and never was related, by consanguinity or affinity, to any one who did own a negro! Nay, I have heard captains of Rebel companies bluster in this way, who could not get credit in a Secession store for a pair of shoes or a pound of coffee.

And, as if resolved to keep up a show of consistency and carry out the same spirit, society was disjointed, and was everywhere thrown into the loosest state in which it could exist, upon the inauguration of Secession. There were no regular magistrates, no laws, no judges, no tribunals to protect the weak and innocent or to punish the guilty. Take for example the case of a Union man in Knox county, who was tied upon a log, his back stripped bare, and cut all to pieces with hickories, as one of my engravings will show. When he was brought into the court-house, and his back exhibited, he was told that these were revolutionary times, and that he had no remedy. Every man had to assert his own rights and avenge his own wrongs, or, as most were compelled to do, submit to insult and injury. Squads of six and ten Rebel troops, upon their own responsibilities, scoured the country, arrested whom they chose, and treated them as their malice and beastly habits of life suggested. Take the case of Captain Bill Brown, of Bradley county, who, at the head of a company of cavalry, arrested Union men, and forced from them sums of money to pay him for their release, until he boasted of having two thousand dollars. This charge was brought before the military authorities at Knoxville, and again dismissed without a reproof to this robber.

As a general thing, these outlaws, who were operating all over East Tennessee, were neither restrained by a sense of shame, the dictates of humanity, nor the fear of God. Hence, many innocent persons fell victims to their malevolence, and had their property either shamefully abused or recklessly destroyed. Tennessee is a greatly-damaged State—thousands of the men having escaped into Kentucky, leaving their homes and crops, all of which have since been destroyed by the Rebel troops. This is especially so in the several counties along the south side of the Cumberland Mountains. Kentucky and Missouri will both feel the effects of this devastating war—a war which the Cotton States artfully contrived to transfer to the border States, but which, thanks to the energy of the heads of the Federal army, is falling back to where it ought to have begun, and where it should end. . . .

Rebels whipping a man for expressing Union sentiments.

Early in the spring of 1861 a stream of Secession fire began to pour through East Tennessee, along the great [East] Tennessee & Virginia Railroad, and troops were rushed along the road in greater numbers than the rolling stock upon the road would afford facilities for transporting. These regiments, coming from the Cotton States, and many of them vagabonds and wharf-rats from New Orleans, Mobile, and Texas, were brimfull of prejudice against me and my paper. These prejudices were increased and their malice inflamed by the falsehoods related to them by unprincipled citizens and cowards whom I had denounced for years, and by certain railroad-employés on their way to Knoxville. Hence, after they would arrive in Knoxville and pay a visit to the whiskey-shops, they would forthwith swarm around my printing-office and dwelling-house, howl like wolves, swear oaths that would blister the lips of a sailor, blackguard my family, and threaten to demolish my house, and even to hang me. This was kept up the entire summer and fall, and increased in violence until my paper was suppressed and my office seized upon and occupied by the Rebel military authorities—which was in November last.

While General Zollicoffer remained at Knoxville in command, I was protected, and so were all other Union men and their families. Previous to his coming, however, certain officers of [John C.] Vaughn’s regiment of East Tennessee Volunteers commenced personal violence on Union men, and occasioned a row in the street, shooting down a Mr. Ball, and firing several shots at Charles S. Douglas—the man who ran up the Union flag on Gay Street and protected it with a double-barrel shot-gun—one shot slightly wounding him in the neck. The next day certain of these officers came into town from camps, in a close carriage, entered the hotel at the ladies’ entrance, and watched for Douglas from a window until he appeared at his window on the opposite side of the street, when they took deliberate aim at him and shot him through the breast with a large musket-ball. Thus was Douglas murdered in a most cowardly and brutal manner, while the State was a member of the Federal Union; and the circuit court judge and the State’s Attorney were both in town, but, being Secessionists, no bill was sent against the murderers of Douglas, nor was one word said in court on the subject; but his widow and one small child were left to take care of themselves. Nor is this all. The Episcopal minister, Mr. Hames, was proscribed for daring to attend the funeral and officiate, at the request of the widow. This is the spirit which has characterized this rebellion throughout the South!

After the departure of General Zollicoffer to Cumberland Gap, I soon became convinced that I was in danger of personal violence from the soldiers left there under the command of one Rev. Colonel W. B. Wood, of Alabama, a hypocrite, who preached in the Methodist Church on Sunday and the next day encouraged his men to do acts of violence. Certain of these troops were in the habit of coming daily to my residence, or passing by it, flourishing their large knives, pointing their guns at the windows, and threatening to take my life. They were incited to act in this manner by my bitter personal enemies and by the cowardly miscreant who conducted the rebel organ in Knoxville, and who desired me and my paper out of their way. They were also encouraged by this unmitigated villain, Parson Colonel Wood. My enemies seeking to make the military the instruments of their private revenge, and my condition becoming more and more perilous each day, my family became convinced that my life was in danger, as did other friends, and all believed that my presence at home imperilled instead of securing the safety of my wife and children. I therefore yielded to the entreaties of my family and friends to leave home for a time, and I consented to do so the more readily as I had debts owing to me in the adjoining counties of Blount, Sevier, Cocke, and Grainger, for advertising. I accordingly left home the first week in November, on horseback, in company with Rev. James Cumming, and whilst I was still in Blount—less than thirty miles from home—the bridges on the railroad were destroyed by fire.¹ My absence at the time was seized upon as evidence of my complicity in the matter, although I was not nearer than one day’s ride of the railroad, and on Sunday, the day after the burning, I preached to a large congregation in Sevierville.

But the most intense excitement prevailed in the country after the news was circulated; harangues were delivered in the towns and military camps, and the passions of the Secession citizens and of the soldiers were inflamed; and my knowledge of the history of mankind in the past taught me that in such seasons of high excitement the innocent and the guilty would suffer together. Meanwhile, I learned, by express-riders friendly to me, that this vile man Wood had sent out scouts of cavalry after me in different directions, with instructions, publicly given them on the street, not to take me a prisoner, but to shoot me down upon sight. Military law was declared in Knoxville; the city was guarded, and those who escaped from the city to give me word had to cross the river after night in a canoe. In this state of things, prudence dictated that I should for a time conceal myself from the gaze of these bloodhounds and authorized murderers, so that no occasion should occur for violence to my person. Quite a number of us—among whom were members of the Legislature, preachers, and planters—retired into the Smoky Mountains, separating North Carolina from Tennessee, and quite beyond the precincts of civilization. Amidst the high summits of this range of mountains, and in one of their deep gorges where no vehicle had ever penetrated, we struck up camp, and for days and nights together we stayed there. Our friends from Wear’s Cove conveyed provisions to us, and in the mean time one of our party killed a fat bear, which supplied us with meat. In the cove below us there was a company of “Home-Guards”—Union men—well armed, who kept a watch for our pursuers, who failed to learn our whereabouts. We were high up on the east fork of Little River, and there was but one gap through which we could have been approached, and in that event it would have required a large force to take us.

Scouts were multiplied to search for us, and we were made acquainted with that fact; and, as it was known that we were in Tuckaluchee Cove and in Wear’s Cove, we deemed it prudent to disperse, and to secrete ourselves in different places, two-and-two together. I resolved upon going within six or eight miles of Knoxville, where I had Union friends who would take care of me; and, accordingly, the Rev. W. T. Dowell and myself mounted our horses at dark, having previously come down out of the mountains, and, riding something less than forty miles through the deep gorges, daylight brought us to the comfortable lodgings of a friend. Here we tarried for a time, and were put in secret communication with Knoxville, distant six miles, having removed our horses to another point. Learning that the murderous scouts of the still more bloodthirsty and despicable Wood were still after me, I addressed the following note to Brigadier-General [William H.] Carroll:

Friday, Nov. 22, 1861

GENERAL W. H. CARROLL:

Having understood that you are to be placed in command of the military post at Knoxville in a few days, I desire to lay a statement of facts before you. I left home on the 4th of this month to attend the Chancery Court in Maryville, Blount county, and to go from there to Sevierville, to collect fees due me for advertising, and in part I have succeeded. I have not been concerned in getting up an armed force to war upon your troops, as falsely reported.

I left home, and have remained absent for eighteen days, at the earnest and repeated solicitations of my family, who insisted that they would be more secure in my absence. Certain troops came daily on my portico, and, in front of my dwelling, drew out and flourished side-knives, and sometimes presented muskets, threatening my life. I was told that they were under the command of an Alabama officer by the name of Wood, and that he was arrayed against me.

As it regards the bridge-burning, I never had any intimation of any such purpose, from any quarter. I condemn the act, and regard it as an ill-timed measure, calculated to bring no good to any one or any party, but much harm to innocent men and to the public. When I, together with fifteen or twenty other leading Union men, signed a communication to General Zollicoffer, proposing to counsel peace, I acted in good faith; and I have kept that faith. That address has been published in all the Tennessee papers; and, had any purpose to fire the bridges been made known to me, I should have felt bound to disclose the fact to the officers of the [rail]road.

I am ready and willing at any time to stand a trial upon these or other points before any civil tribunal; but I protest against being turned over to any infuriated mob of armed men filled with prejudice by my bitterest enemies.

This communication will be handed to you by my friend Colonel John Williams, a man favorably known to you and the country.

I am, respectfully, &c.,

W. G. BROWNLOW

Head-Quarters, Knoxville, Nov. 28, 1861

REV. DR. BROWNLOW:

It is my business here to afford protection to all citizens who are loyal to the Confederate States; and I shall use all the force at my command to that end. You may be fully assured that you will meet with no personal violence by re...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Illustrations
• Editor’s Introduction
• I. Dedication, Preface, and Autobiographical Sketch
• II. Editorials, Correspondence, Speeches, etc.
• III. Essay on East Tennessee
• IV. Narrative: Imprisonment, Release, and Travels
• Selected Bibliography
• Index