Perfecting Perfection
eBook - ePub

Perfecting Perfection

Essays in Honor of Henry D. Rack

  1. 312 pages
  2. English
  3. ePUB (mobile friendly)
  4. Available on iOS & Android
eBook - ePub

Perfecting Perfection

Essays in Honor of Henry D. Rack

About this book

Henry D. Rack is one of the profoundest historians of the Methodist movement in modern times. He has spent a lifetime researching and writing about the rise and significance of John Wesley and his Methodist followers in the eighteenth century and has also uncovered the historical significance of the Methodist Church in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Collected here in this volume are thirteen essays honoring the life and scholarship of Dr. Rack from a host of international scholars in the field. The topics range from Wesley's view of grace in the eighteenth century to the dynamic intersection of the Methodist and Tractarian movements in the nineteenth century. A bibliographical essay of Rack's most prominent publications in the field of Methodist studies is also provided. In the end, the collection of essays offered here in honor of Dr. Rack will be engaging and provocative for considering Methodist Studies in the present and future generations.

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Information

1

From Arminius (d. 1609) to the Synod of Dort (16181619)

W. Stephen Gunter
For the better part of two centuries, it was common to refer to Wesley’s theological heirs under the rubric Wesleyan-Arminian theology. Wesley himself was responsible in a sense for this nomenclature, because The Arminian Magazine is the periodical he initiated in 1778 to distinguish the Wesleyan wing of the revival movement from his more Calvinist friends (and theological adversaries).1 In the latter part of the twentieth century, this Wesleyan-Arminian language almost completely disappeared as a descriptor. The reasons for this are many, but I have argued elsewhere that the loss of original distinctives has had significant implications for the evolution of soteriology in the movement.2
The year after Arminius’s death in 1609, his widow and children published his Declaration of Sentiments. The publication of this Verclaringhe in 1610 was an attempt to honor him, but it was also a literary step toward vindicating him. No one could have anticipated that the decade of 16101620 would endure a barrage of publications that was nothing less than rhetorical and theological warfare. Think of it as a presidential election primary debate that lasted almost ten years, with the decision on election finally coming at the Synod at Dort in 16181619—in this case an eternal election. Precise and carefully worded truth assertions get lost in the rhetoric needed to score points and win followers.
This decade of pamphleteering resulted in a first phase of losing Arminius from sight so that, by the time the Synod of Dort convened in November 1618, it was in fact a form of altered Arminianism that was on trial, and it was an Arminianism altered in ways that Arminius likely would not have approved. If we have lost a true Arminianism, i.e., an actual reflection of his theological sentiments, then that process of loss began very early on. If one may speak of guilt in this process of loss, then blame may be laid at the feet of both the Arminians known as Remonstrants and the Calvinists known as Contra-Remonstrants. Put simplistically, the Remonstrants protested against a strict doctrine of double predestination and the Contra-Remonstrants to a certain extent (Franciscus Gomarus chief among them) upheld and defended the dogma. Behind the scenes there is an additional doctrinal subtext at play regarding assumptions about sin and the interplay between faith and works. These theological disputes are carried on amid a highly complex set of social, political, and religious issues at work in the Netherlands:
1. The role of civil officials in ordering the life of the church;
2. The nature of the church as an inclusive or exclusive body;
3. The relationship of the confessional standards to church life;
4. The authority of scripture and the authority of creeds;
5. The relationship between human freedom and divine sovereignty.3
The Political Situation Leading to Dort
To be sure, the issues are complex, and the Reformed Faith that to an extent held the Republic of the Lowlands together after a successful liberating of the country from Spain was a fragile one. Michael Hakkenberg has noted, “The Dutch Republic . . . did not yet have a strong central government, and it was constantly threatened by particularism and political fragmentation.”4 The comprehensive volatility in the Dutch context was not merely a difference over dogma inside the church, it was a complex set of differences that threatened the unity of the nation. Put another way, it was more than the reputation of Arminius that was on the line. He was a casualty on the way to redefining the boundaries of political and religious authority. If one looks only at the formal doctrinally contested points of the warring parties, one misses the volatile republican nature of the rhetorical warfare; and it was this pamphlet warfare—somewhat the equivalent of political action committee advertisements—that drove the agenda in the first decade after Arminius’s death when the distinctive emphases of his soteriology began to be lost from view.
Ever since The Synod at Dort, even well-versed historians and theologians have tended to view the theological scene in the Netherlands through the lens of that great synod and see the country as essentially Calvinian. While this was slowly but increasingly true after 1620, it certainly was not the case in prior decades. The Lowlands were religiously and theologically eclectic, and Arminius’s teachings were not far out of step with the perspective of many leading voices, especially at the national leadership level. Even by the time of The Synod of Dort, barely one third of the general Dutch population was Protestant, and not all these were strict Calvinists. The general population moved very slowly away from their traditional Roman Catholic beliefs.5 The Anabaptists (especially Mennonites) were present and active, although they never organized in ways that made them politically powerful. Nevertheless, their doctrinal inclinations permeated the theological climate. They were not doctrinaire in any exclusive way, and they certainly were not strict predestinarians.
It is not an exaggeration to say that toleration (officially affirmed at the Union of Utrecht in 1559) and eclecticism were prevailing inclinations. When forty-three ministers gathered in 1610 at The Hague under the supervision of the Court Preacher, Johannes Uytenbogaert, to formulate their theological opinions in a formal petition for recognition known as The Remonstrance, they were not necessarily doing anything subversive or revolutionary. Theirs was a formal petition to the States of Holland for official recognition and, where necessary, protection against the intolerance and attacks of the strict Calvinists. Interesting to note is that these Arminians, although perhaps a minority in the Dutch Reformed Church as a whole, were actually in a majority among the magistrates in many larger cities. So, the magistrates in those cities took care to appoint Arminian ministers.
In the Five Points of the Remonstrance of 1610, Arminius’s influence is clear: phrasing of key points were taken directly from the theological affirmations in his Declaration of Sentiments.6 This formal request for protection stirred the political and ecclesial waters to such an extent that at the end of the year (December, 1610) the States of Holland called for a conference in The Hague. Rather than cooling the temperatures of the opposing parties, the conflict between the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants intensified. The five points of the Remonstrance were answered with the Five Points of Calvinism, and the controversy was now “on” in the public arena with an open division of parties. From this point on we begin to lose sight of Arminius himself as well as certain important points in his theological affirmations.
Rather quickly, cities across the Republic came to identify themselves with one party or the other, and some cities or towns were divided internally—part Remonstrant and part Contra-Remonstrant. With astonishing speed, the driving issues became territorial, centering on positions of power and influence in pulpits and in positions of civil governing. In 1614 the States of Holland, without the support of Amsterdam and other Contra-Remonstrant inclined cities, adopted the “Resolution for Peace in the Churches.” This Resolution condemned the extreme positions on either side of the issue:
1. That God “created any man unto damnation,” or
2. That man “of his own natural powers or deeds c...

Table of contents

  1. Title Page
  2. Abbreviations
  3. Contributors
  4. Introduction
  5. Chapter 1: From Arminius (d. 1609) to the Synod of Dort (1618–1619)
  6. Chapter 2: Robert Barnes and John Wesley’s Reformation Heritage
  7. Chapter 3: The Exercise of the Presence of God
  8. Chapter 4: Perfecting Plain Truth for Plain People
  9. Chapter 5: Mission Spirituality in the Early Methodist Preachers
  10. Chapter 6: Medicine on Demand
  11. Chapter 7: Wesley’s Invisible World
  12. Chapter 8: John Wesley and Francis Asbury
  13. Chapter 9: Echoes of Wesley on the US Southwestern Frontier
  14. Chapter 10: “Did God Do That?”
  15. Chapter 11: The Oxford Movement and Evangelicalism
  16. Chapter 12: From The Soul of Dominic Wildthorne to the Wesleyan Guild of Divine Service
  17. Chapter 13: Bibliography