section iv
Politics and Ethics
10
Radical Kenosis as Radical Politics
Murphyâs Political Vision With and Beyond Radical Democracy
âAndrew C. Wright
Nancey Murphy has not traditionally been read as a radical political philosopher. Certainly she has been received as a radical in other ways, particularly in her description of a shift from modern to postmodern forms of thoughtâwhat she terms âAnglo-American postmodernity.â As a philosophical theologian, Murphy has significantly reshaped questions of epistemology, philosophy of language, and more recently has been able to stake her claim at the borderline between philosophy of mind, ethics, and the neurosciences. In each of these contexts, Murphyâs work has had a revolutionary character, one that has been able to âgo onâ from the epistemological crises of modern philosophy and theology.
But Murphy as a political radical? This understanding of her work is at least underdeveloped, and more commonly has gone unperceived. In this essay, I will make the case for a latent political radicalism that is internal to Murphyâs work in developing an Anglo-American postmodernity, and that when read in this way, she provides a precipice from which to envision a renewed Anabaptist political theology that makes a devastating critique of the modes of power that form contemporary political discourse.
This is not to say that this is the language Murphy herself uses in her contribution to an Anabaptist political theology; rather, her most direct work of radical political theology comes from an unlikely place: from the resources born of her involvement in theology and science discussions put into conversation with Anabaptist theology and ethics, a vision most directly articulated in her work with South African cosmologist George F. R. Ellis in On the Moral Nature of the Universe. In this text, Murphy and Ellis seek to answer the question of how (if at all) resources from the natural sciences, and cosmology in particular, make a difference for understanding the struggles for power and justice in their respective contextsâfor Ellis, the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa, and for Murphy, the build-up to the 1991 Gulf War. Together, they argue that kenosis (self-limitation in service to the other) is not only confirmed in Anabaptist theology and ethics, but is also confirmed in the cosmological âfine-tuningâ argument from the natural sciences, resulting in a coherent view of the nature of reality structured by kenosis. Murphy and Ellis suggest this work requires ânew research programs . . . exploring the possibilities for human sociality in the light of a vision modeled on Godâs own self-sacrificing love,â while also recognizing the need for a paradigm shift in human understanding across the hierarchy of the sciences.
Along these lines, this essay seeks to extend Murphyâs radical political vision by putting her work into conversation with Romand Coles and Sheldon Wolin, proponents of the âradical democracyâ movementwho provide a set of resources that confirm Murphyâs kenotic ethic in a specific kind of politics. While radical democratic practice confirms Murphyâs political radicalism, it also highlights how Murphy provides a framework for nonviolent social transformation that grounds kenotic political practices in a teleology that extends beyond the resources of radical democracy alone. The tension of this dialogue will reveal a deeper sense of Murphyâs contribution to Anabaptist political theology in the context of a wider discourse with cosmology, political theory, and radical-democratic practices.
Murphyâs Radical Political Vision
Murphyâs work in Anglo-American postmodernity traces a gestalt shift in Western philosophy and theology that constitutes a change in the basic thought forms of the last half-century. Murphy argues that language used to describe these shifts has âtaken on new uses . . . [that entail] radical consequences for all areas of academia and presumably the living of life as well.â In this section, I will argue that one of âthe living of lifeâ consequences internal to this shift from modern to postmodern is a revision of certain conceptual assumptions that structure political theory in the modern periodânamely, anthropological and causal reductionismâthat has significant implications for politics and Christian political witness in the postmodern period. While perhaps underdeveloped in the reception of Murphyâs work as a whole, careful attention to the contours of her work will demonstrate the depth and scope of Murphyâs radicalism not only in epistemology or philosophy of language, but also in reframing the central questions of Christian ethics, political theology, and the political witness of contemporary Christian communities.
The Political Radicalism of Murphyâs Anglo-American Postmodernity
One year before the publication of her award-winning Theology in the Age of Scientific Reasoning, Murphy co-authored an article with James Wm. McClendon Jr. entitled âDistinguishing Modern and Postmodern Theologiesâ that would become a âvistaâ for understanding recent shifts happening in contemporary theology and philosophy, and would set the course for her early work. In that article, Murphy and McClendon sought to articulate what they saw as an emerging Anglo-American postmodernity that was distinct from other âpostmodernismsâ exemplified in Continental thinkers, and that was characterized by specific shifts away from âmodernâ forms of thought along three distinct axes: epistemological foundationalism, referential theories of language, and metaphysical reductionismâspecifically, an atomistic reductionism applied to people and communities (which Murphy later described as generic modern individualism). Modern thinkers, Murphy and McClendon suggested, could be located by means of âCartesian coordinatesâ in a âthree-dimensional conceptual space,â while postmodern thinkers âsucceed in breaking free from this space altogetherâ by rejecting foundationalist, referentialist, and atomistic reductionist assumptions. Together, such thinkers constitute what Murphy and McClendon call an âan emerging unityâ and are among those who advocate for âholistâ epistemologies (e.g., W. V. O. Quine), âordinary languageâ philosophies (e.g., J. L. Austin, the later Ludwig Wittgenstein), and more complex social theories of community (e.g., Alasdair MacIntyre...