Arab Evangelicals in Israel

Ajaj, Miller

• Publisher: Pickwick Publications
• Year: 2016
• eBook ISBN: 9781498279529
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Religion

The essays contained in this book provide an introduction to the history, challenges, and hopes of contemporary evangelical Arab Christians in Israel (and to a lesser degree in the West Bank). After opening with a general overview of Arab Christianity in the Holy Land, the following chapters treat different aspects of the evangelical Arab experience: the founding of the Convention of Evangelical Churches in Israel (CECI) as well as a theological seminary for the training of church workers (Nazareth Evangelical Theological Seminary [NETS]), the self-understanding of Arab Baptists in terms of their identity and relation to other groups in Israel, an Arab perspective on the relationship between Arab evangelicals and Messianic Jews, as well as the struggles, hopes, and fears of another "evangelical" community that is usually hidden from view, namely, that of Muslim converts to Christianity in Israel, the West Bank, and the Middle East in general. The final chapter offers a detailed bibliography on "Arabophone Christianity" in Israel and Palestine.

Chapter 1

Christian Agency in Israel-Palestine

Historical Background and Contemporary Observations

by Philip Sumpter

1. Introduction

In order to contextualize the following chapters on evangelical Christianity among Arabs in Israel, this chapter has a two-fold focus. In §2 “Historical Overview” is provides the historical context of Christianity in the Holy Land in general, starting with the earliest movement two thousand years ago leading up to the contemporary situation in 2013. One may ask whether such a broad view is necessary for a book with such a particular focus as ours, but as the following will demonstrate, things change very slowly in the Middle East and for even such a fast-evolving nation as the State of Israel the contemporary scene not only bears many analogies with the past but also can only be understood in light of it. This historical overview, then, provides the framework for § 3 “Christian Agency in Contemporary Israel-Palestine.” In this section the focus is on Arab Christians in the contemporary world of Israel-Palestine, actors who are not only the object of historical forces but also intentional agents of change who are seeking to mold a future for themselves. Observations in this section are based both on secondary literature but more importantly on our experience of living and researching in the region. The connections between the historical overview and contemporary analysis will be made clear by means of cross-references as the chapter unfolds.

2. Historical overview

2.1. Jewish and Pagan Beginnings

Israel-Palestine is often called the “cradle of Christianity,” and the metaphor is fitting in that its Lord was born there and had his horizons shaped by a nation—the people of Israel—that claimed a special relation to it. However, it is also the case—and this will prove decisive for all that follows—that the major part of that nation rejected his mission, which found more fruitful soil in the hearts of the pagan Gentiles. The major tenets and institutions of the Christians faith were formed outside of the land in Rome, Alexandria, and Constantinople.1 Indeed, the gradual Christianization of the land itself came about through the activities of monks from the neighboring regions such as Antioch and Egypt, and received its greatest impetus through the decision of the Byzantine emperor Theodosius the Great (379–395) to make Orthodox Christianity the religion of the state. For the rest of the history of the region until this very day, the major vehicle and institutional representation of Christian faith would be in hands of a church—in time the Greek Orthodox Church—that understood itself to be intimately connected to the Hellenic culture and language of Byzantium. As the state religion it was to impose itself on other forms of Christianity that differed in language (such as Syriac) and nuances of doctrine (in particular Monophysitism).

Despite its relatively limited contribution to the ongoing life of the church in terms of producing theological revolutions, what one might call “secondary discourse,” the geography itself has always retained a special place in the heart of Christendom because of its role within the divine economy and thus its capacity to provide what might be called “primary discourse,” a revelation and communication of the kingdom of God.2 As such, to this day global Christianity has retained a fascination with the land, bestowing it with religious institutions, hospices, and hostels to cater for the needs of its pilgrims and their thirst for spiritual immediacy. Colbi notes that the Crusader kingdom of Jerusalem contained Greek Orthodox, Syrian Jacobites, Maronites, Ethiopians, Copts, Armenians, Nestorians and Georgians.3 A similar diversity can be found in Jerusalem today.4

2.2. Muslim Conquest

The notorious Byzantine oppression of those outside of its religious system which was later continued by the Crusaders has also had consequences to this day: the Jewish State of Israel still harbors enmity against the Church due to years of anti-Jewish persecution,5 whereas Palestinian Christian theologians often choose to identify themselves as the descendants of the original indigenous church that had been oppressed by Western Crusader foreigners as part of their bid to create solidarity with the Muslim Arab majority (see §3.2). The discontent created fertile ground for the seventh century invasions of the Muslim mujahidin, as many Syriac Christians felt that the new Arab order would provide them with more freedom than their Greek overlords. There are indications that the situation improved at first, but over time the condition of dhimmitude, for Muslims the legal requirement for their continued existence, did not prove to be as liberating as hoped. A large measure of freedom was granted in terms of inner-community religious practices (though the evangelism that had created the churches in the first place was now forbidden on pain of death [see chapter 6 of this book]) as well as matters of personal status. However, they were subjected to laws such as the djiziah (a special tax) designed to humiliate them, limit their influence, and sap their energy. Over time the dar al-harb (“the house of war,” i.e., those outside Islam) gradually receded while the dar al-islam (“the house of peace,” i.e., those inside Islam) grew.

The spiritual practice of pilgrimage was not initially interrupted by the Muslim invasion, and so the churches of Europe did not provide an immediate political response. With succeeding Muslim dynasties, however, conditions worsened for local Christians. New churches could not be built, the cross could not be displayed, public liturgy was circumscribed, distinctive signs had to be worn, horses could not be rode upon, tapers could not be kindled, church bells could not be rung.6 Things did improve with foreign intervention in the form of negotiations with the Muslim rulers. For example, Charlemagne (742/747/748–814), a useful political ally, received the right of “protectorate” over the Holy Places, the Holy Land, and its Christian inhabitants, whose lot then improved with the investments made in monasteries, libraries and hospices for pilgrims. Even before the great church schism between East and West (1054), however, such political maneuverings created tensions between these two halves of Chalcedonian Christendom. The Byzantine emperors still laid claim to the land and so they too gradually re-increased their sphere of influence by means of both small-scale military campaigns for parts of the land as well as negotiations for the right to be regarded as protectors of the holy places.

As shall be seen in §3 below, foreign pilgrimage, foreign advocacy, inner-Christian rivalry, and the division of the population into partially autonomous religious communities continue to be defining features of the Christian landscape in contemporary Israel-Palestine.

2.3. Christian Response

The invasion of the Holy Land by the Seljuk Turks led to the massacre of its Christian inhabitants, desecration of their holy places, and inhibited the ability of pilgrims to approach them. This sent off alarm bells in Christian Europe. Although the ensuing Crusades had multiple causes, it is arguable that the primary factor was this violation of their religious “right” along with the cries of the indigenous Christians for outside intervention. The Crusaders introduced the culture and theology of Europe—the French and Germanic elements were particularly prominent—but the new kingdoms created political innovations of their own. For example, new forms of administration gave much power to the laity instead of the clergy. The lot of the local Christians, however, did not improve as much as hoped. The Greeks were offended by the installation of a Latin patriarch in Jerusalem to replace their own and non-Latin Christians were subjected to further discrimination, so much so that those regions with a high population of “Easterners” ended up welcoming the re-entry of Islam.7 The final victorious battle at the Horns of Hattin in 1187 marked the beginning of Muslim hegemony in the region—despite repeated attempts by Christendom to regain it— until the entry of the British in 1917.

2.4. Muslim Reconquest

In the intervening 700 years, the Holy Land became a backwater of larger Muslim empires. Under the Mamlukes the number of pilgrims dwindled due to the imposition of burdensome tolls while the life of Christians became more and more difficult and dangerous.8 ...

Table of contents

• Introduction
• Chapter 1: Christian Agency in Israel-Palestine
• Chapter 2: An Introduction to the Convention of Evangelical Churches in Israel (CECI)
• Chapter 3: Arab Baptist Leaders in Israel
• Chapter 4: Nazareth Evangelical Theological Seminary
• Chapter 5: Yearning for Unity
• Chapter 6: Christians from a Muslim Background in Israel and the West Bank
• Chapter 7: Bibliography for Arabophone Christianity in Israel-Palestine
• Bibliography