1 WILDERNESS SPACES
âIs it possible that landscape ⌠is integrally connected with imperialism?â asks W. J. T. Mitchell (2002a: 9). It is of course a rhetorical question. Mitchellâs essay inescapably links landscape â defined both as the visual representation of natural space and as the space thus represented (Mitchell points out the ambiguity in our use of the term) â with the violent exploitation of empire. It is not, he writes, a straightforward relationship, and despite claims that landscape art is âin its âpureâ form a western European and modern phenomenonâ which emerges in the seventeenth and reaches its peak in the nineteenth century, its connections with imperialism stretch much further than the European empires of that period (ibid.: 7). The relationship of landscape to imperialism operates, suggests Mitchell, something like Freudâs âdreamworkâ. Landscape, that is, visualizes, aestheticizes, harmonizes and finally narrativizes1 the uneasy combination of utopian fantasies and unresolved ambivalences and resistances in the imperial desire for mastery. Its seemingly untroubled gaze turns space into an âemblem of national and imperial identityâ (ibid.: 10, 17), veiling and naturalizing the violence that has produced it.
It is as precisely such an emblem that Rebecca Solnit views the âwildernessâ spaces depicted in American landscape art. But while Mitchellâs essay suggests, but does not state, the gendered nature of these imaginings, for Solnit it is central. Like Anne McClintock, who writes of British imperial narratives, Solnit emphasizes the centrality of the âmyth of the virgin landâ to imperial fantasy â for her, fantasies of conquest of the American West. Its narratives, as McClintock argues, eroticize this âvirginâ space, so that territorial appropriation becomes sexual conquest. If the land is virgin, then âwhite male patrimony is violently assured as the sexual and military insemination of an interior voidâ (1995: 30). For Solnit, it is this vision that characterizes Western landscape art, and in particular the paintings, photographs and cinematic depictions of the American West of which she writes. The wilderness spaces that they depict â virgin, blank, to be penetrated by civilization â are the subject of this chapter.
Imperial conquest
That American narratives of the conquest of its western frontier constitute a form of imperial fantasy is not a new idea. The writings of Frederick Jackson Turner, so influential in their insistence on the importance of the âfrontierâ in the construction of American national identity, saw the United States as âan empire, a collection of potential nations, rather than a single nationâ (2014/1920). His vision of the frontier as âthe meeting point between savagery and civilizationâ, of American history as the story of âthe colonization of the great Westâ, and of the pioneer frontiersman, âfired with the ideal of subduing the wildernessâ, who fights his way across the continent, âmasterful and wasteful, preparing the way by seeking the immediate thing, rejoicing in rude strength and willful achievementâ (ibid.), is a vision of imperial conquest. It is Rudyard Kiplingâs poetry Turner cites in his depiction of American character traits. Echoing McClintockâs analysis of British imperialism, then, Solnit describes American imaginings of its Western landscape in the same terms. This too, âthe United Statesâ favorite storyâ, is a story of a virgin wilderness, âwaiting to be deflowered, inscribedâ (2003: 94, 91).
In spite of his ârude, gross natureâ, Turnerâs Western man is âan idealist âŚ. He dreamed dreams and beheld visionsâ, and had âunbounded confidence in his ability to make his dreams come trueâ. He was in short, a believer in âthe manifest destiny of his countryâ (Turner 2014/1920). The term Manifest Destiny is one whose origin is identified with American columnist and editor John L. OâSullivan, whose series of articles from 1839 to the mid-1840s insisted that it was Americaâs âmanifest destiny to overspread the continent allotted by Providence for the free development of our yearly multiplying millionsâ (1845). It would be, he wrote, fulfilment of both Godâs will and of ânatureâs eternal, inevitable decree of cause and effectâ (1839). Like other forms of empire, then, Americaâs conquest and exploitation of its western spaces is seen as a religious quest, the search for a Promised Land, but it also has the force and inevitability of nature. Uniting the two is the concept of Manifest Destiny, which, though much contested and shifting in meaning, will be central to Americaâs national creation narrative and the cultural forms through which it will be imagined.2
Such conquest is a masculine exercise. âFrederick Jackson Turnerâs frontiersâ, writes Sandra Myres, âwere devoid of womenâ (1982: 8). Women, however, did appear in popular frontier fiction and illustrations, and in her study of âwestering womenâ of the nineteenth century, Myres details the dominant images of women to be found there, images that will later reappear in the cinematic Western. The first of these is âthe refined lady of a sensitive and emotional natureâ, who is âwrenched from home and hearth and dragged off into the terrible Westâ, where she is âcondemned to a life of lonely terror among savage beasts and rapine Indiansâ (ibid.: 1). Depictions of idealized white women, suffering, passive and noble, captured by savage âIndiansâ3 and sometimes rescued by heroic frontiersmen or saved by the intervention of a noble chief, were popular from the late eighteenth century (Luft 1982).
Myresâs second image is that of the âsturdy helpmate and civilizer of the frontierâ. This figure, âher face wreathed in a sunbonnet, baby at breast, rifle at the ready, bravely awaited unknown dangers, and dedicated herself to removing wilderness from both man and landâ (1982: 2). She is competent, courageous and uncomplaining, but she is also a threat, since her presence destroys the homosocial environment in which frontiersman and âIndianâ could find a common bond in the âsecond paradiseâ of the wilderness. Her arrival, with its imposition of domesticity and order, according to one historian meant the destruction of âsomething male in the raceâ (in Myres 1982: 4).
Defined in opposition to the first two, the final image, that of the âbad womanâ, encompassed a range of âdeviantâ femininities: the masculinized wild woman, the âfallenâ sexualized woman, and the âforeignâ woman, often Spanish or Mexican, adept at âlove, cooking, and often ⌠gambling as wellâ. In contrast, black women were âalmost invisibleâ within popular fiction of the West, and âIndian womenâ were simply âpart of the wilderness that must be conquered and civilizedâ (ibid.: 5).
Underpinning all three images, writes Myres, lay the dominant ideal of femininity of the early to mid-nineteenth century: the cult of True Womanhood. According to Barbara Welterâs influential definition,4 the attributes of True Womanhood comprised the âfour cardinal virtues â piety, purity, submissiveness and domesticity. Put them all together and they spelled mother, daughter, sister, wife â womanâ (Welter 1966: 152). Though focused initially on the northern white middle-class woman, representations of this idealized femininity circulated much more widely (Hewitt 2002: 159). We can see it in the figure of the saintly white woman â virgin or Madonna â captured by âIndiansâ, which was so common in popular fiction. In art it was realized in the figure of the âMadonna of the prairieâ, most famously depicted in Koernerâs painting of 1921, in which the arc of the covered wagon forms a halo above the head of the young woman holding its reins, as she gazes out towards the Western frontier.5
As Myresâs account makes clear, however, such stereotyped depictions struggled to contain a changing economic, social and cultural situation that was far more complex and contested. Jane Tompkins, indeed, has argued that what she calls the âdeauthorization of womenâ (1992: 42) that characterizes the Western myth should be seen as a response not to womenâs absence but to their increasing power, not only as moral guardians within the home â in line with ideals of âTrue Womanhoodâ â but also outside it. Historically, 1848 marked the end of the Mexican-American War, the resulting annexation of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada, Utah, and parts of Wyoming and Colorado, and the apparent fulfilment of OâSullivanâs âmanifest destinyâ claims. But 1848 is also the year of the first womenâs rights convention and the resulting Seneca Falls Declaration, which urged âzealous and untiring efforts ⌠for the securing to women an equal participation with men in the various trades, professions, and commerceâ (in Schneir 1972: 82).6 The first state to grant voting rights to women was Wyoming, and it did so in 1869.7 From their beginning, then, the images of âwestering womenâ that Myres describes, and the ideal of âtrue womanhoodâ on which they were based, were both powerful and contested.
FIGURE 1.1 W. H. D. Koerner, Madonna of the Prairie (1921).
Landscape and the Western
Two genres, argues Solnit, have been crucial in shaping the popular imagination of the American West: ânature photography and Western moviesâ (ibid.: 99). Her own topic is the first of these, and she recounts the way in which the West was âinventedâ through nineteenth-century landscape photography, much of it in the service of government surveys. The Western desert is, she writes, a âplace without language, to some extent unnamed, unmapped, unfamiliarâ (ibid.: 75). On it has been imposed a religious narrative, so that if the East is âwhere history, God and religion come from, the West is where they are supposed to go, a place always lying ahead, the territory of what is yet to comeâ (ibid.: 69). Its landscape becomes both a Promised Land and an Eden: a paradise which offers both a return to the âunspoiled innocenceâ of a mythical past and the setting for a future heroic exploitation whose profit will derive, precisely, from the violation of that innocence. Joel Snyder, like Solnit, traces this vision through the landscape photography of the mid-nineteenth century, but he also points out that this new medium fed the expectations of an audience already exposed to âstories and pictures romanticizing the frontier and inflating the promise of wealth and self-sufficiency that lay just beyond the frontierâ (2002: 190).
If, then, as Solnit writes, âthe West became the first region a culture will know largely through the photographicâ (2003: 70), the images through which it was represented, with their combination of âgardenlike grace and breathtaking grandeurâ (Snyder 2002: 185), were composed according to the romantic fantasies of early American novelists and travellers, whose tales would be used to lure potential westward migrants. James Fenimore Cooperâs Leatherstocking novels, which pit the solitary frontiersman Natty Bumppo against the âcivilizingâ forces of westward exploration and its destruction of the âvirginâ wilderness that is also what attracts it, were published between 1823 and 1841. Like the contemporary paintings described by Martha Levy Luft, the second of the novels, The Last of the Mohicans (1826), features the capture of white girls by âIndiansâ. By 1847, Francis Parkmanâs influential The Oregon Trail; being sketches of prairie and Rocky Mountain Life was being published, with its descriptions of âfine athleticâ frontiersmen, vast and strange landscapes, and exotic âsavage Indiansâ, but its descriptions had been preceded by those of gazetteers and guidebooks, newspaper and magazine articles, and popular fiction. Landscape, writes Annette Kolodny, âis the most immediate medium through which we attempt to convert culturally shared dreams into palpable realitiesâ (1984: xii), and the stuff of these dreams concerned âthe productivity of the soil, the luxuriant forests, and rich mineral resources of the Western landsâ â once the âGreat American Desertâ had been crossed (Myres 1982: 15â16).
But it is through âthe scenery that flashes by in thousands of Hollywood Westernsâ that more recent audiences are familiar with this landscape (Mitchell 2002b: 268), and with the dreams it embodies of âthe nationâs infinite possibilities and limitless vistasâ (Schatz 1981: 46). The Western, as Tom Conley writes (2006: 293), is âa spatial genre par excellenceâ. Through its invocation of landscape, the Western continues the ideological themes of nineteenth-century American popular culture, with its repeated working through of a national creation narrative. For Thomas Schatz, these repeated mythic narratives, like the popular fiction and photography before them, operate to âânaturalizeâ American policies of Western expansion and Manifest Destinyâ (ibid.: 47), presenting a âpurified form of the national narrativeâ (Campbell 2013: 21). Its narratives constantly replay Frederick Jackson Turnerâs vision of the nation-making process of internal colonization. Their logic is clear: from âthe âblank spacesâ of the western lands was created, forged, and inscribed a grid of human inhabitation, settlement, and narrativeâ (ibid.: 11).
This idea of the Western landscape as a âblank spaceâ is developed by Jane Tompkins. âThe typical Westernâ, she writes, âopens with a landscape shotâ: of a blank horizon above prairie or desert, sometimes with solitary rider or wagon train in the distance. âAll there isâ, she continues, âis space, pure and absoluteâ (1992: 69â70). It is a landscape, she argues, that âreflects the Old Testament sense of the world at creationâ. Above all, it is âa land defined by absence: of trees, of greenery, of houses, of the signs of civilization, above all, absence of water and shadeâ (ibid.: 71). In the wagon train stories this is the desert to be crossed on the journey to the fertile valley; in other narratives it is simply the space of trial, where the hero proves his manhood and from which he perhaps rescues the white woman.8 Its openness, she writes, âflatters the human figure by making it seem dominant and unique, dark against light, vertical against horizontal, solid against plane, detail against blanknessâ (ibid.: 74). It thus appears not only as empty space but as stage. On it the hero performs masculine power: he âcan conquer it by traversing it, know it by standing on itâ (ibid: 75).
This is, of course, a rhetorical strategy, one that functions to naturalize the code of values that the Western celebrates. In fact, âthe desert is no more blank or empty than the northeastern forests were when Europeans came. It is full of living things, ⌠and inhabited by peopleâ (ibid.: 76). Its constructed blankness invites both domination and the writing, on its tabula rasa, of the story of a hero and a nation. This blankness and passivity position the Western landscape as feminine, as Solnit and Kolodny also suggest: the hero âcourts it, struggles with it, defies it, conquers it, and lies with it at nightâ (ibid.: 81). But Tompkins also argues that its function is to displace the âfeminineâ values of civilization that the hero rejects, substituting for them the struggle with a desert that represents a transcendent asceticism rather than a feminine embrace. Women themselves, she argues, are repressed in the Western, as are the âIndiansâ with which we identify it: as people, both are absent. Women provide the motive for male activity, but the values they represent â love, forgiveness and home â are associated with weakness and excessive verbalization. In John Fordâs The Searchers (1956), i...