A Muslim Diaspora in Australia

Bosnian Migration and Questions of Identity

Lejla Voloder

• Publisher: I.B. Tauris
• Year: 2017
• Print ISBN:
  9781784537623
• eBook ISBN:
  9781786720658
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Australian & Oceanian History

In a world of increasingly mixed identities, what does it mean to belong? As western democracies increasingly curtail their support for multiculturalism, how can migrants establish belonging as citizens? A Muslim Diaspora in Australia explores how a particular migrant group has faced the challenges of belonging. The author illustrates how Bosnian migrants in Australia have sought to find places for themselves as migrants, as refugees, and as Muslims, in Australia and Australian society. Challenging the methodological nationalism that tends to dominate discussions of migrant identities, the author exposes the ways in which dignity emerges as a dominant concern for people as they relate to varied local, national and translational contexts. Very little is known about how migrants themselves read and react to the multiple challenges of belonging and this pioneering work offers a timely and much needed critical insight into what it means to belong.

CHAPTER 1

CITIZENSHIP AND ETHNO-NATIONAL IDENTITIES

It was more than a few months until I was to meet again with Dedo, Samir and that particular collective of Bosnian Muslims. Integration was again the point of discussion. On this occasion, however, the focus was on understanding and differentiating Bosnian Muslims from other Muslims in Australia. This was a pressing concern. In fact, it appeared that all Bosnian organizations were in damage control, seeking to differentiate Bosnian Muslims from those identified as potential terror suspects.¹ My colleague's question, ‘Are Bosnian Muslims different to other Muslims?’, rang in my ears, as did his answer of their moderation. I kept wondering, How does one moderate one's faith? Can you take your religion in moderation, as community service announcements suggest for drinking alcohol? These questions circulated and the diverse answers created a polarization in the community. In fact a lot had occurred in the interval between the meetings. In the interim, debates had also escalated concerning citizenship amendments.

Legal and Symbolic Citizenship

In late 2006, the Australian government announced its intention to adopt stricter measures for citizenship eligibility and through the course of the following year implemented a series of amendments to the Australian Citizenship Act. The amendments sanctioned increases to residency requirements and fostered the introduction of a citizenship test, arguing that these revised citizenship requirements would address concerns over the unity of the nation by promoting migrant integration and belonging. According to the official rhetoric, the testing of prospective citizens' knowledge of Australian history and culture, the English language, and the responsibilities and privileges of Australian citizenship, was part of ensuring their social and national inclusion (Department of Immigration and Citizenship, 2007). A key element of this testing procedure was to expose these new citizens to, and indoctrinate them with, officially sanctioned, though largely obtuse, ‘Australian values’. Such discussions revealed that conceptualizations of citizenship had moved beyond considerations of the legal dimensions of national membership toward the symbolic and social parameters of citizenship, parameters that were increasingly being tied to notions of Australian values. As a result, debates over national unity and belonging entailed attempts to define the cultural values that would unite the nation, with such debates being undertaken in various spheres of Australian society from the federal level to the local. At the political level, the official stance toward citizenship promulgated an anti-multicultural conception of the nation, one which increasingly positioned the civic nation in ethnic terms, thus fostering a rigid, perhaps even assimilationist, attitude. While the legislative changes to citizenship affected potential citizens, the surrounding discursive space affected the claims of existing citizens. As Fozdar (2011:35) notes, the process and rhetoric behind the introduction of the citizenship tests ‘served as a mechanism for exclusion within a discourse of social cohesion.’

The news about citizenship changes reverberated throughout Australia, with the major daily newspapers publishing sample test questions and inviting readers to test their ‘Australianness’. The locally produced Bosnian language newspaper followed suit, with sample quizzes, questions and answers, asking readers, ‘Are you a true blue Aussie?’ (Bosna Magazine, 22–29 May 2007). Around family dinner tables the questions were read out, scrutinized, debated – and sometimes even mocked. Whilst these changes would in fact have limited direct impact, as the great majority of Bosnian born immigrants in Australia already held Australian citizenship,² the questions nevertheless generated great interest. This reflected concern over how the changes would impact on their lives as migrants in Australia, as amendments to citizenship requirements suggested that the conditions for membership in the nation were being redrawn.

Despite occupying a stable legal position as Australian citizens, many refugees from Bosnia expressed dismay at the discourse surrounding the legislative changes to citizenship. The changes were not considered inconsequential since they appeared to evince a retreat from multiculturalism, and hence problematized their symbolic claims to belonging. For many Bosnian immigrants in Australia, ethnic identification and community formation were considered largely positive pursuits fostering belonging within the Australian multicultural mosaic, and it was in this regard that citizenry inclusion could be claimed. While community formation has not only been pursued along broad ethno-national lines but also by trans-local means (Halilovich, 2013), learning the game of ethnic belonging has been a concern of many community leaders, where staking a claim in the Australian multicultural mosaic is reliant upon fitting within the framework of ethnic community belonging. These concerns were not only made in the context of ethnic community organization but during other activities when one might not expect politics to be discussed.

For example, one night, following the formal announcement that changes to citizenship requirements would be legislated, I attended an engagement party of a young couple. The Lebanese restaurant in which the party was held sought to capture a traditional ambience and was decorated with a range of handicrafts, including colourful woolen Persian rugs that adorned the walls and copper drinking cups, gold jewelry and silk scarves that were on display throughout. The similarities between these objects and traditional Bosnian items were immediately noted, and it was particularly the older guests who commented that such rugs had hung on the walls of their childhood homes in Bosnia. The familiarity of the decor and food was one of the reasons why the engagement party had been organized at a Lebanese restaurant. In particular, it enabled the older and less culinary adventurous guests to feel comfortable.

It was during this largely relaxed and jovial event that, unexpectedly, when the night's entertainment and dancing started, talk of citizenship also began. As two elderly women danced around the table where I was sitting, their bodies gyrating, attempting to follow the moves of the belly dancer and to move in rhythm with the music – a fusion of oriental sounds and contemporary techno beats – they attempted to coax me to join them. In a strange way, I was offended by their dance moves, as I had not witnessed older women dancing in such a free manner. While dancing was common at Bosnian functions, such dances focused more on the movement of legs and feet rather than on rotations of the hips. Their insistence and my stubborn refusal to join them prompted one of the women to call out. ‘Come on, Lejla. Join us while you can. Soon enough Howard³ will put a stop on all of this also’, she said, waving her arm in the air, motioning to the supposed foreignness of the music, dancing, and food.

Such political observations were not uncommon at social events. In this particular instance, the actions of the women were directly related to current events. They danced, unrestrained, in a simultaneously familiar and unfamiliar setting. Their comments were not offhand remarks, for later in the evening the women joined others in discussing the possible ramifications of the citizenship requirements. The government's measures were seen not only to be demarcating the requirements of citizenship but also to be challenging the status of existing citizens.

Within this context of the redefinition of the bounds of citizenship particular focus was placed upon the status of Muslims. Much has already been written about the animosity toward Muslims that had been developing in the preceding decade (Poynting and Noble, 2004; Kabir, 2006; Poynting and Mason, 2007; Fiddian-Qasmiyeh and Qasmiyeh, 2010; Yasmeen, 2010). In various spheres of Australian society, prevailing discourse has presented Muslims as outside the national sphere, their status as Australians has been challenged, and their ability to accept Australian values questioned. Muslims of various ethnic backgrounds have been confronted with scrutiny from political and media commentators about the validity of their presence in Australia and within this context Muslims are continually made aware of the ‘conditionality of their citizenship’ (Humphrey, 2010:56).

Within this context, some individuals were intent on proving that Australian-Bosnian-Muslims were moderate, whilst others became more forceful in identifying with a broader Australian-Muslim and global Muslim community. At this crisis meeting, in addition to the committee members I had met on the previous occasion, there were a few other people including women in attendance, women whom I had not met until that day who were able to share their thoughts about moderation and how Muslims were to comport themselves.

The Meeting of Muslim Minds

Mirsada⁴ was the first to greet me. She embraced me warmly and once she had given me the once over, from head to toe, she smiled and said, ‘You look like a real Bosnian. I could pick you out from amongst the crowd,’ and she immediately invited me to sit with her and her daughter. ‘Do they look like real Bosnians?’, I wondered and I noted how they were both exquisitely presented. Makeup was ostentatious, whimsical, I would venture. Blue eye shadow and a faux fur coat were the markers that stood out prominently on Mirsada. The daughter's youthful face was covered with a thick layer of foundation, the eye shadow and mascara so delicately applied that I was certain she had the nerves and precision of a surgeon. Her leather miniskirt perplexed me. ‘Is that appropriate attire for this context?’, I asked myself and was immediately struck again and amazed at how the debates of the appropriateness of Islamic dress in Western contexts had become one of my own preoccupations. In this instance, however, my reaction subverted conventional logic and I thought that these women ought to be covered up more not less.

Fortunately coffee was placed before me, ridding my mind of such thoughts and with that the drinking and conversation began. Uncle Mujo chaired the meeting.

It is with great satisfaction that I open this meeting, this meeting of Bosniak⁵ intellectuals. I hope that together we may find solutions for our community. I am glad that we have two young people with us and I am of hope that more will join us in future meetings.

Uncle Mujo was in his fifties. He had a thin black hair, a receding hairline, and large thick-rimmed glasses dominated his face. He wore a blue suit, white shirt with a red tie. He had an ever so slight lisp as he spoke. Even though his voice was soft, he spoke with conviction and it was clear that he had thought much about these issues.

‘We Bosnian Muslims, that is, Bosniaks are different.⁶ We and the Saudis are not alike. We need to educate the Australian public about our culture.’

Murmurs of agreement from the people around the table gave Uncle Mujo confidence to continue.

‘Sadly we live amidst a people who are less and less tolerant. Regardless of their oaths to multiculturalism they are becoming less friendly toward Muslims and with that they are also less friendly toward Bosniaks. Not long ago, a survey conducted amongst seventeen- and eighteen-year-olds revealed that more than 50 per cent of them cannot see the difference between Muslims and terrorists. Also, 40 per cent of them consider Muslims dirty! Such sentiment can only have intensified with these recent events.’

Everyone knew what the events were, and conversation around the table turned to identifying who knew the accused. Uncle Mujo spoke over the whispers.

‘We need to ask ourselves: How is it for our children? Are they considered terrorists when at school? Are they looked at in that regard by their class mates at school? How will a young person with a Muslim name find work? Develop a professional career? Experience justice? And how will they grow into good natured and well intentioned individuals?’

Mujo gesticulated forcefully. His shoulders and arms swayed his seated body. Although his gestures were not deliberate, his movements and words were akin to that of a conductor as they evinced sounds, i.e. grunts, from many of the men in the audience, which appeared to signal their approval. They liked what they heard. Uncle Mujo wet his lips and continued.

‘Having brought our children to this country, it is now our responsibility to contest racism, Islamophobia, discrimination. We need to do this for them, for Australia and all her citizens.’

Uncle Mujo's speech was stirring. He spoke with a sincerity, he was emotional and with this he evoked reactions among us all.

We Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, are a nation who follow the middle path. As immigrants, or wogs as they refer to us, we need to find the middle path between the two extremes. One extreme is utter assimilation, by which I mean we would change our names, our customs, and dismiss all the values that Islam teaches. Of course, that is not what we wish because if we had wished to become Christians we need not have come to Australia. Our past reveals numerous examples when we had invitations to become Christians. The other extreme is complete isolation and integration with Arabs and other Muslim immigrants and the formation of exclusive Muslim ghettoes. In that case we would need to forgo our Bosniak culture and accept numerous tribal Arab customs that we often assume are Islamic norms. Marginalization and isolation from the dominant society produces disappointment and frustration, particularly among youth. In such cases they become easy targets for groups who promote destruction, revenge and an ‘Islamic’ [he gestured] answer to injustices committed in the past. Our view of the world does not fit with the Saudi nor Iranian models. But we are not completely satisfied with what the secular system delivers. During the war, as a nation, we Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, faced disappearing. Despite the possibility of physical annihilation, we can show the world once again that Islam is a faith of peace, tolerance, courage and generosity. Bosnian Muslims, Bosniaks, are a living example that defeats Huntington's thesis of the inevitability of conflict between civilizations, the theory of the inescapable conflict between Islam and the West.

Uncle Mujo delivered his speech like a seasoned politician. His emotional delivery was peppered with references to statistics, studies and even IR theory. This last point impressed me. Uncle Mujo worked in the construction industry and so I was surprised that he had read, or at least was familiar with, Huntington's ever referenced thesis. By that stage, however, most people had lost interest.

Although it seemed he had more to say, he was disturbed by the now boisterous conversations around the table and so finished with the following:

Our vision is for Bosnian Muslims to retain their cultural values and to be successful and loyal citizens, integrated in all segments of Australian society. We can achieve this through education, financial security and national consciousness. A national consciousness gives us the confidence and courage to interact with others. When we know who we are, and have confidence in ourselves and our capabilities, then others will accord us respect. Within the multicultural system we have to have our voice heard. With the increasing anti-Muslim sentiment, we have to organize and declare our rights as citizens.

He was calling for action. He was calling for the creation of distinctly Bosnian Muslim, or rather Bosniak, community infrastructure and referred to Australia's multicultural paradigm to validate his argument. All of the other already existing Bosnian community organizations were developed according to the prevailing multicultural logic to which he made reference.

Ethnic Communities in a Multicultural Society

The multicultural paradigm provides the conceptual structure through which immigrants come to understand and enact integration in Australia. Multiculturalism can be understood in terms of the mundane, everyday ethno-cultural difference encountered in the course of daily life. As I and others have written about elsewhere, everyday multiculturalism informs migrant understanding of the opportunities and constraints for integration and belonging (Zevallos, 2007). Interaction with people wearing various cultural and religious insignia, speaking diverse languages and consuming a variety of foods, is an inescapable reality for many Australian residents. Indeed, my own notes and observations of the streetscapes in which I conducted research were over-determined by ethno-national classificatory schemata. For example, I wrote:

In a cross section of two or three streets, one can encounter Afghan kebab take-away stores, Indian clothing and sweets stores, halal⁷ butchers, Vietnamese bakeries, a Polish delicatessen, Serbian cafés, and much more. Bosnians are just starting to make their presence felt on the streetscape.

Thus, even for an academic wary of hegemonic discourses, the multicultural logic had become internalized to the degree that it had come to dictate how I viewed the world around me. I wrote and noted the ethno-cultural difference around me, as a consequence dismissing the other ways in which I could have described the streetscape.

Beyond being a matter of informal everyday encounters, the ‘multicultural mosaic’ as it was termed by participants, meant that institutionalized ethnic differentiation was the means by which immigrants could become integrated into Australian society. Thus, multiculturalism can also be understood in terms of the formalized infrastructure that is developed to cater for, and promote identification with, ethnic communities. The formation of ethno-national community groups is a mobilizing force that provides migrants with a platform through which they can negotiate their identity and participation in society and resist marginalization (Vasta, 1993). This sentiment I heard from a number of leaders of Bosnian community organizations.

Sabit, a leader of one community organization, put it this way:

Australian society is a society of communities. To be outside of your community is to be alone or part of another community such as the Scottish, Serbian, Indian and the like … We need to take heed from the established Greek and Italian organizations. They have been here longer than us and we can follow their lead in how to be Bosnians but Australian citizens as well.

Sabit's neat categorization of ethnic communities reveals an assimilation⁸ of the multicultural discourse which privileges ethno-national identification and suggests that in essence once cannot circumvent identifying with an ethnic community. His sentiment is consistent with what Stratton and Ang (1998: 155) suggest that the Australian multicult...

Table of contents

• Front Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Note to the Reader
• Introduction
• Chapter 1: Citizenship and Ethno-National Identities
• Chapter 2: Muslimness of Australian-Bosnian Muslims
• Chapter 3: Marginalization and Fear
• Chapter 4: Transitions to Peace
• Chapter 5: Active Citizenship and Lines of Authority
• Conclusion
• Notes
• Bibliography