The Middle East Peace Process and the EU

Foreign Policy and Security Strategy in International Politics

Taylan Özgür Kaya

• Publisher: I.B. Tauris
• Year: 2012
• Print ISBN: 9781848859821
• eBook ISBN: 9781786724984
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Middle Eastern History
• Index: History

EU policy-makers have in the past decade endeavoured to formulate a substantial redefinition of the organisation's international ambitions. Attempting to carve out a new role as a key foreign and security policy actor in international politics, the EU has been involved in peace negotiations across the globe. Here, Taylan Ozgur Kaya looks at how this is enacted, with particular reference to the Middle East peace process. Expanding its political, diplomatic, economic and security role in the region, the EU, whilst still being the junior partner to the US, has increasingly played a more conspicuous role in the attempts to resolve (or at least mediate) the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Bearing this in mind, Kaya examines to what extent the EU manages to live up to its self-image as a key player in conflict resolution and crisis management in the region and beyond. With the financial and diplomatic future of Europe ever more in the spotlight, this book will appeal both to researchers of the Peace Process and to policy-makers.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Since 1999, EU Member States have striven to consolidate the EU’s CFSP and the EU has become an important foreign and security policy actor in international politics. At the Cologne European Council on 3–4 June 1999, the defence dimension of the EU’s foreign and security policy, the ESDP was introduced. In the post-9/11 era, the CFSP and the ESDP have gained substance and momentum. Jolyon Howorth and John T.S. Keeler (2003: 15) have put forward the opinion that 9/11 made the case for the ESDP even more compelling. In this area, significant elements of integration emerged. Institutional struggles were left behind and a range of EU actors and agencies started to work together to develop a coherent political approach to the crises (ibid.). In the post-9/11 era, the EU started to become one of the key foreign and security policy actors in the international arena with the ability to use a full range of instruments including military ones in addition to civilian ones for crisis management and conflict prevention. Michael Smith called this the process of hardening of European foreign and security policy. He argued that particularly since the late 1990s, there was a process of hardening which has led to an injection of hard as opposed to soft security into the European foreign and security policy process, particularly through the elaboration of the ESDP (Smith 2006: 40).

In the post-9/11 era, the ESDP was operationalized. Several operations in the framework of the ESDP have been carried out since 2003. Until the time of writing, 23 operations had been carried out under the aegis of the ESDP and more are under consideration and planning.

These operations demonstrated that, in the post-9/11 era, the EU became more deeply committed to crisis management and post-conflict rehabilitation efforts in different parts of the world including Africa, the South Caucasus, the Western Balkans, the Middle East and Asia by using its civilian and military instruments (Bono 2006: 14). This demonstrated that, as Michael Smith (2006: 40) put forward, in the post-9/11 era, there is a widening of the geographical scope of European foreign and security policy which means that more regions have become entangled in European foreign and security policy.

In the post-9/11 era, the EU and its Member States officials’ efforts to increase the coherence of the EU’s foreign and security policy instruments have increased. Intensification of the coordination between the EU and its Member States officials in terms of external deployment of resources including development aid, humanitarian aid, judges, diplomats, military forces etc. in their relations with the so-called ‘failed states’ or post-conflict-states such as Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of Congo, has been observed (Bono 2006: 28). The threat of terrorism was identified as one of the main reasons for the acceleration of the coherence of the EU instruments for external action (ibid.). In the post-9/11 era, European Council’s suggestion that all the activities carried out under the CFSP could be considered as a contribution to long-term actions for the prevention of terrorism represented a radical departure from the notion that was at the heart of the EU that external economic development had to be fostered for the benefit of humanity and be geared to principles of need and removing of regional and global inequalities (ibid.). In the post-9/11 era, the link between external economic development and European security was increasingly highlighted by the EU.

In the post-9/11 era, the EU’s first-ever security strategy, ‘A Secure Europe in a Better World, European Security Strategy’, was prepared by the High Representative for the CFSP Javier Solana and adopted by the EU leaders at the Rome European Council on 12–13 December 2003. In Peter Van Ham’s words (2004), the ESS has offered an acquis stratégique by establishing priorities and setting clear policy goals. The document primarily offers a common view of the nature of current international security environment (post-Cold War and post-9/11 international security contexts), the EU’s role within it, the shared perception of the most serious threats, the most important opportunities in that security environment and appropriate policy responses that the EU should adopt in dealing with them.

In the ESS, terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, regional conflicts, state failure and organized crime were identified as key threats to European security in the post-Cold War and post-9/11 international security context. In the ESS, a comprehensive approach to security is identified as the most effective way to manage these security threats. The comprehensive security approach refers to the combined use of full range of available security policy instruments, including both civilian and military (Rieker 2004: 370; Biscop 2003: 185). As a part of its comprehensive security approach, the EU recognizes that transnational threats cannot be dealt with by using traditional security instruments such as military force, these threats have root causes and military force is not an appropriate means to manage their root causes. In the post-9/11 era, the EU prefers a security strategy which combines civilian and military instruments and addresses the root causes of transnational threats.

It was noted in the ESS that the new threats in the post-Cold War and post-9/11 period are not purely military and they cannot be tackled by purely military means; each needs a mixture of instruments. In addition to that, it is stated that European states need to use the full spectrum of instruments for crisis management and conflict prevention at their disposal, including political, diplomatic, military and civilian, trade and development activities in pursuing their strategic objectives. It is also noted that the European states need to develop a strategic culture that fosters early, rapid, and when necessary, robust intervention, to be able to undertake operations involving both military and civilian capabilities. Javier Solana (27 January 2006) also argued that the EU’s comprehensive approach to security, that is part civilian, and part military, corresponds to the needs of today’s complex security crises.

The nexus between security and development, which was developed in the 1990s and was manifested in an increasing interest in the human security agenda, has assumed a new dimension since 9/11 (Bono 2006: 28). In the ESS, for the first time in the EU’s history, underdevelopment in non-European states was identified as a threat to the security of Europeans (ibid.). In the post-9/11 era, underdevelopment, which provides a breeding ground for insecurity, is identified by the EU as one of the contemporary challenges to European security.

In the ESS, it is also stated that European security and prosperity increasingly depend on an effective multilateral system. The development of a stronger international society, well functioning international institutions and a rule-based international order is accepted as the objectives of EU Member States. The latter are committed to upholding and developing international law. The UN Charter is considered as the fundamental framework for international relations, and the consolidation of the UN’s international role and responsibilities remains a European priority. It is also noted that EU Member States demand international organizations, regimes and treaties to be more effective in confronting threats to international peace and security, and must be ready to act when their rules are broken. The document also emphasizes that it is a condition of a rule-based international order that law evolves in response to developments such as proliferation, terrorism and global warming. It is acknowledged that EU Member States have an interest in further developing existing institutions such as the World Trade Organization and in supporting new ones like the International Criminal Court. Furthermore, spreading good governance, supporting social and political reform, dealing with corruption and abuse of power, establishing the rule of law and protecting human rights are regarded as the best means of strengthening the international order.

In the ESS, key threats to European security are identified as common threats, shared with all the EU’s closest partners. By relying on this, building multilateral cooperation in international organizations and partnerships with key actors is identified as a necessity for dealing with these threats and pursuing the objectives of EU. In the ESS, it was stated that the EU needed to develop an effective and balanced partnership with the USA, since transatlantic relationship is identified as indispensible for the EU. It was also noted that the EU needs to continue to develop closer ties with Russia which is identified as crucial for security and prosperity of the EU. It was pointed out that the EU has to develop strategic partnerships with Japan, China, Canada and India and with all those countries that share the same goals and values with the EU.

In order to implement the defence aspects of ESS, Britain, France and Germany proposed the formation of EU ‘Battlegroups’ in February 2004.¹ At the Brussels European Council on 17–18 June 2004, EU Member States agreed on Headline Goal 2010, which also included the EU ‘Battlegroups concept’. At the 22 November 2004 Military Capabilities Commitment Conference convened in Brussels, EU Member States agreed on the formation of 13 ‘EU Battlegroups’ and it was decided that first Battlegroups would reach full operational capability in 2007. It was also decided that Battlegroups would be employable across the full range of Petersberg tasks as listed in the TEU Art.17.2 and those identified in the ESS, in particular in tasks of combat forces in crisis management, bearing in mind their size. Battlegroups have to be sustainable until mission termination or until relief by other forces. They should be sustainable for 30 days initial operations, extendable to 120 days, if re-supplied appropriately.

It is within this context that this book aims to investigate the congruity between the role that the EU aspires to play as a foreign and security actor and its actual foreign and security policy actions and decisions in a specific case of the MEPP in the post-9/11 era. The correspondence between EU’s foreign and security policy rhetoric and the EU’s foreign and security policy behaviour will be examined in this book.

The Purpose and the Research Questions of the Book

The overall purpose of this book is to identify the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions defined in the post-9/11; to examine the congruity² between the EU’s role conceptions and its role performance in a specific case of the MEPP in the post-9/11 era; and to assess the consequences of (in)congruity between the EU’s role conceptions and role performance on both the EU’s profile as a foreign and security policy actor and the MEPP. This book aims to analyze the level of congruity between self-conceptualization of ‘what the EU is’ (role conception) and ‘what the EU does’ (role performance) and the impact of (in)congruity between the EU’s role conceptions and role performance on the EU’s profile as a foreign and security policy actor.

This book addresses three main research questions:

1.which role(s) does/do the EU define for itself as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 era;

2.is there a congruity or incongruity between the EU’s self-defined role conceptions and its actual role performance in a specific case of the MEPP in the post-9/11 era;

3.what are the outcomes/consequences of (in)congruity between the EU’s role conceptions and role performance on both the EU’s profile as a foreign and security policy actor and the MEPP.

Organization of the Book

This book consists of six chapters. It begins with this introductory chapter, which outlines the necessary background to understand and conceptualize this book. This introductory chapter begins with an overview of the context and background that frames the study, which makes an analysis of the EU as a foreign and security policy actor in the post-9/11 international security context. This chapter presents the purpose and accompanying research questions of the book, which demonstrates what the main objectives of the book are and the questions the book seeks to answer.

Chapter 2 presents the theoretical framework for analysis of the book, a review of the literature on the analysis of the European foreign policy and the research design and methodology which will guide the research in this book, and is organized in three parts. In the first part, the theoretical framework for analysis, on which this book is based, will be presented. In this part, application of role theory in analyzing foreign policy and why the role theoretical approach was selected as theoretical framework for analysis and two key concepts, which are associated with role theory and used to inform the analysis in book (role conception and role performance) will be evaluated. The second part provides a review of the literature on the analysis of the European foreign policy, which presents the main approaches in the analysis of the European foreign policy, and describes potential contributions of this book to the existing literature in order to locate this book in the literature on the analysis of European foreign policy. The final part specifies the research design and methodology which will guide the research in this book. This part of the chapter demonstrates how qualitative content analysis has been applied for identifying the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions and why the speeches delivered by three principal EU foreign and security policy officials concerning foreign and security policy of the EU, and the EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU were selected as source of data collection for identification of the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions. Furthermore, this part of the chapter presents why the MEPP was selected as a specific case study and why the period extending from 11 September 2001 to 31 December 2006 was selected as the focus of analysis.

Chapter 3 presents the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions in the post-9/11 era. In this chapter, the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions in the post-9/11 era will be identified by analyzing the content of the general foreign policy speeches delivered by the principal EU foreign policy officials during the period extending from 11 September 2001 to 31 December 2006 and selected EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU. As a result of content analysis, seven role conceptions have been identified: ‘force for good’, ‘force for international peace, security and stability’, ‘promoter of its values and norms’, ‘the provider of development aid’, ‘promoter of effective multilateralism’, ‘partner for the UN’ and ‘builder of effective partnership with key actors’. This chapter provides an outline of main roles at work within the EU’s role set in the post-9/11 era.

Chapter 4 provides a historical overview of the EU’s involvement in the MEPP in the pre-9/11 era, which will help to understand better and to analyze the EU’s role performance in the MEPP in the post-9/11 era. This analysis enables to reveal the change and continuity in the EU’s policy towards the MEPP. This chapter is organized in three parts which respectively provide a historical overview of the evolution of the EU’s policy towards the MEPP from the 1970s up to 1990s.

Chapter 5 provides an analysis of the level of congruity between EU’s role conceptions and role performance in the MEPP in the post-9/11 era. It is divided into two parts. The first part provides a general overview of the EU’s involvement in the MEPP in the post-9/11 era. After a general overview, the congruity between EU’s role conceptions and role performance in a specific case of the MEPP and the consequences of (in)congruity between the EU’s role conceptions and role performance on both the EU’s profile as a foreign and security policy actor and the MEPP in the post-9/11 era will be analyzed.

Finally, chapter 6 provides the summary of the book and conclusions obtained from this research.

CHAPTER 2

THEORETICAL FR AMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS

The objective of this chapter is to present a theoretical framework for analysis for this book, a review of the literature on the analysis of the European foreign policy and the research design and methodology which will guide the research used in the book. The chapter is organized into three parts. In the first part, application of role theory in analyzing foreign policy and why the role theoretical approach was selected as the theoretical framework for analysis and role conception and role performance, its two key concepts, which are associated with role theory and used to inform the analysis in the book, will be evaluated. The second part provides a review of the literature on the analysis of the European foreign policy and describes the book’s potential contributions to the existing literature in order to locate it in the literature on the analysis of European foreign policy. The final part specifies the research design and methodology which will guide the research used in the book. This part of the chapter demonstrates how qualitative content analysis was applied to identify the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions and why the speeches delivered by three principal EU foreign and security policy officials concerning foreign and security policy of the EU, and the EU official documents concerning foreign and security policy of the EU, were selected as sources of data collection for identification of the EU’s foreign and security policy role conceptions. Furthermore, this part of the chapter presents why the MEPP was selected as a specific case study and why the period extending from 11 September 2001 to 31 December 2006 was selected as the focus of analysis.

Role Theory in Analyzing Foreign Policy

This book uses a theoretical framework for analysis based on role theory. What this effectively means is that the role of the EU as a foreign and security policy actor in a specific case of the MEPP in the post-9/11 era has been analyzed by using role theory as theoretical framework for analysis.

In this part of the chapter I will summarize the key features of role theory. In particular, I clarify the me...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• List of Tables
• List of Abbreviations
• 1. Introduction
• 2. Theoretical Framework for Analysis
• 3. The EU’s Foreign and Security Policy: Role Conceptions in the Post-9/11 International Security Environment
• 4. A Historical Overview: the EC/EU’s Involvement in the Arab-Israeli Conflict and the MEPP in the Pre-9/11 Era
• 5. Levels of Congruity: The EU’s Role Conceptions and Role Performance in the MEPP in the Post-9/11 Era
• 6. Conclusion
• Notes
• Bibliography