Part I
CHAPTER 1
Luxury in History
A Brief Survey
What is luxury? Father James Martin tells the story of an old Jesuit, a âliving rule,â whose room he would visit for confession. His room is spartan, the bed âa single . . . nothing but a box spring and a mattress perched atop a rickety metal frame. But what caught my eye was the yellow bedspread. An inexpensive polyester spread barely covering the mattress, it looked ancient, thin nearly to the point of transparency, faded in color; it was the most meager bedspread I could imagine. âFather,â I said, âI think itâs time for a new bedspread.â âMister,â he said with a laugh, âthat is the new bedspread.ââ1 Martin himself had asked for a new bedspread the week before, and here realized he had not really needed it.
Was this new bedspread a luxury? As Martin notes, American Jesuits may live simply compared to some âaffluent Americans,â but he admits they live less simply than countless poor around the world.2 The category of luxury is a challenging and difficult one. This book seeks to answer the question of what luxury is. The concept must be defined inductively during the course of the discussion. The first task is to examine how writers in the Western tradition put flesh on the bones of this notionâbut not all in the same way. History leads us into the crucial eighteenth century, where developments in philosophy, theology, and economics (subjects not yet fully distinguished from one another) interrupted the traditional critique in significant and problematic ways. However, even before that time the notion of truphe/tryphe or luxuria had an odd history. It appears as central, gets lost or overlooked in the moral discourse, and then later returns but often in a different way.
Luxury in the Ancient Traditions
In his narrative of the âeventful historyâ of the idea, Christopher Berry notes that luxuryâs âcontemporary usage in the rhetoric of advertising is far removed from the opprobrium to which it was subjected by Cato the Elder.â3 Ancient usage is uniform in its moral condemnation of luxury. The related Greek terms, built on the root truphe/tryphe, all have strongly negative connotations. Yet their rendering in English is imprecise: a Greek-English lexicon offers a cluster of terms, including daintiness, fastidiousness, voluptuousness, licentiousness, extravagance, wantonness, and effeminacy.4 This imprecision bespeaks an attempt to characterize some problem that is evident yet difficult to identify.
Berry points out that the basic moral assumption undergirding all classical criticisms of luxury was that âneeds have fixed limitsâ and that exceeding these limits is ultimately destructive of both the person and the polis.5 Criticisms of luxury rested on two sorts of limits. First, ancient writers assumed a definite teleologyâa vision of the truly good life for humans. Luxury names some sort of excess beyond the limits set by the nature of the person. Second, within this teleology there is an assumed priority of common life over private life, such that oneâs resources should be directed toward the good of the civic order instead of for personal ease. Luxury names a âfastidiousâ and excessive attention to private goods that detrimentally diverts attention and resources from the city. This ideal of the priority of the common good reflects the general sense that civic life is a noble calling of the propertied class; the wealthy elite should not turn inward toward the luxury of a private life.6 To lack the discipline of these limitations is to suffer from the vice of luxury.
Platoâs criticism of the âluxurious cityâ in The Republic exemplifies the elements of classical critiques.7 The city, in Socratesâs description, is necessary for human life because âno human being is self-sufficientâ (369b) and it is better âif each does the work nature has equipped him to doâ (370c), thus dividing labor among different jobs. Socrates attempts to describe the different things needed in the city, but Glaucon breaks in on his description by saying Socrates is describing a âcity of pigsâ that lacks comfortable furniture and tasty food. Socrates retorts that Glauconâs vision would be âa city in a state of fever,â but he accepts that âmany will not be content with simple fare and simple waysâ (372d). He then describes all the new professions that will be needed to satisfy this âfeveredâ city, a city that constantly demands to âbe extended and filled up with superfluitiesâ (373b). There is reference to the need for a surplus of doctors to treat all the diseases of the luxurious city on account of the diet and the lack of exercise! Most especially, the city will need more land to satisfy all its wants and thus will need to go to war because of its covetousness. It cannot live within its means. The luxurious city is beset by conflict, both within and without, in contrast to the harmony engendered by properly limited desire that characterizes the ideal person and the ideal city.
Socratesâs initial description of the ideal nonluxurious city is not one of abject poverty. It has âbread, wine, clothes, shoes, and housesâ (372b), food is served on âmats of reedsâ with desserts of âfigs, chickpeas, and beans,â and all is enjoyed while wearing âgarlands, and singing hymns to the gods and enjoying one anotherâs company . . . all the while drinking in moderationâ (372c). The ideal is not poverty, which leads to âmeanness and incompetence,â but neither is it wealth, which âspawns luxury and indolenceâ (422a). The problem is the desire for fancy food, ornamental clothing, and finely decorated houses.
This critique of luxury is not peripheral but central to Platoâs entire argument. It appears and reappears throughout the dialogue. As Glaucon exclaims in the discussion of appropriate music for the ideal city, âthere is something we have done without even noticing it. We have been purging away those things we discussed earlier that transformed our city into a city of luxuryâ (399e). Appropriate music turns out to require only simple instruments. In Plato, the city reflects the human soul in its tripartite division. Luxury in the city reflects a base dominance of the body over the mind and the spiritâit is harmful both to the contemplative life and to the next-best warrior life. Like the disordered soul, the disordered city is eventually not headed to triumph but ruin. Ultimately, âunbalancedâ cities do not deserve to be called cities at all; they are merely âaggregations of factionsâ (422e). And what is factionâs source? That source is none other than âmoney-making and the acquisition of land and houses and gold and silver,â causing the originally virtuous guardians and rulers to fatally compromise and leading to the loss of independence for small proprietors, and finally their subsequent coercion into work and (more important) warfare (547bâc). Note well: a compromise with luxury is the first step in Socratesâs book-length description of the gradual decline of the city into tyranny.
This line of criticism of luxury as fundamentally disruptive for both individual and social flourishing can be found throughout ancient literature, both Greco-Roman and Jewish. Aristotle carefully distinguishes the art of economics from âchrematistics,â with the latter indicating an unlimited desire for material goods as ends rather than as a means to living well.8 While he refers to luxury only in passing in the Nicomachean Ethics (1150b), Aristotleâs account of prodigality and vulgarity as excesses in relation to the virtues of liberality and magnificence suggests many similar themes. (He also mentions luxury in a list of vices in the Eudemian Ethics.9) The discussion of these virtues comes immediately after a lengthy discussion of temperance, where the self-indulgent person is said to âdelight either in the wrong things, or more than most people do, or in the wrong wayâ (1118b23â24), and thus âis led by his appetite to choose [pleasant things] at the cost of everything elseâ (1119a2). He then goes on to note that we call âprodigalâ those âwho are incontinent and spend money on self-indulgence.â Aristotle explains that prodigals are usually âself-indulgent, for they spend lightly and waste money on their indulgences, and incline toward pleasures because they do not live with a view to what is noble.â Prodigality turns out to be complex. The mean or miserly person simply cares too much for wealth (1119b29); the prodigal is careless in his giving and is neglectful of âtakingâ (1121a8â15). This, of course, leads to the problem that one cannot be prodigal for long, so prodigality then turns to âtaking recklessly and from any sourceâ (1121b2).10 Prodigality leads eventually to social conflict.
Aristotleâs assessment of magnificence, however, may seem to lie in some tension with Platoâs criticisms. The magnificent man primarily spends on public splendor, so that even on âprivate occasionsâ (for example, a wedding), he âspends not on himself but on public objectsâ (1123a4â5). Yet Aristotle also considers oneâs house âa sort of public ornamentâ and so he licenses spending on lasting, beautiful, and becoming things. Still, at least the magnanimous man is not vulgar, which entails overspending the circumstances and displaying a âtasteless showinessâ that is ânot for the sake of the noble, but to show off his wealth, and because he thinks he is admired for such thingsâ (1123a20â26). Aristotle, in line with his tendency to show less scorn for external goods than Plato, in essence expands the limits on material goods here. But he nevertheless retains such limits in describing what is excessive.
Stoic thinkers manifest a complex relation to Plato and Aristotle by shifting toward a less polis-centered view of life and a more nuanced position on external goods.11 Given their belief that external goods are ultimately âindifferents,â one might imagine them weakening the argument against luxury. In many cases, however, their more rigorous suspicion of âunnaturalâ individual desire strengthens the critique. More influentially, many cite the pursuit of luxury as the mark of the decline of the Republic, and their critiques remained accepted (if not always heeded) well into the eighteenth century.12 The roots of this Roman critique lie in later Greek historians of the second and early first century BCE, such as Polybius and Posidonius, who cultivated a longstanding tradition of the âdevastating consequences of trypheâ on cities, especially identified with the fall of Sybaris.13 This theme is so dominant in the literature of ancient Rome that even contemporary economist Lester Thurow can quote Cicero on the Roman ideal: âThe Roman people hate private luxury, they love public magnificence.â14 Augustine happily plays this same tune, remarking that the supposed Roman desire for peace and prosperity masks the âdesire to enjoy your luxurious license unrestrainedâ and âthus to generate from your prosperity a moral pestilence which will prove a tho...