The New Testament

A Beginner's Guide

W. R. Telford

• Publisher: Oneworld Publications
• Year: 2014
• eBook ISBN: 9781780743394
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Religion

The New Testament writings are the foundational documents of early Christianity. But to fully understand them we need a broad historical awareness of the wider social, economic, political and religious context that produced them.

Exploring the transition from an oral to a written tradition, this fascinating primer depicts the growth of the early church amid the Roman and Hellenistic Empires. Focusing on the composition and content of the Synoptic Gospels – those of Matthew, Mark and Luke – W. R. Telford furnishes the reader with an appreciation of the methods contemporary scholars apply to the Gospels and also offers an assured, in-depth guide to the texts themselves.

Broaching difficult questions about the differing accounts of Jesus’ life that the New Testament has left us, this is an invaluable starting point for anyone looking to understand the roots of Christianity.

1

The world of the New Testament

The Roman Empire

Our study begins with the world of the New Testament, and so let me offer some preliminary definitions. What do I mean by ‘the world of the New Testament’? The world of the New Testament is the world of a) the Roman Empire; b) Greek language and civilization, or ‘Hellenism’; and c) Jewish religion and culture. What do I mean by ‘Hellenism’? The term ‘Hellenism’ comes from the Greek word hellenismos which means ‘imitation of the Greeks’. Hellenism, in the words of Norman Perrin, refers to ‘the culture that developed in the world conquered by Alexander the Great [in the first part of the fourth century BCE] as that world adopted the Greek language and imitated Greek ways’.¹ The Hellenistic period may be said to have extended, then, from c.323 BCE [i.e. after the death of Alexander] to the end (for our purposes) of the New Testament period (c.150 CE). As one of its two parents, Hellenism was the surrounding and nurturing ethos for early Christianity and the New Testament writings.

With these preliminary definitions in mind, let us look in turn at each of the three political and cultural backgrounds which make up ‘the world of the New Testament’, beginning with the Roman Empire. At the height of its power, the Roman Empire encompassed an area that stretched from Britain southwards as far as Morocco, then eastwards as far as Arabia, then north to Turkey and Romania and finally westwards along the Danube to the Rhine. From its legendary founding by Romulus and Remus in 753 BCE, the little city-state of Rome had slowly risen to occupy this dominating influence in the Mediterranean world, particularly after North Africa was brought into its orbit with the defeat of the Carthaginians. By a series of military victories or astute alliances, Greece, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Crete, Cyprus and Asia Minor were gradually brought under its sway. Syria and its neighbouring principality, Judaea, fell to Pompey in 64/63 BCE, Europe fell to Caesar in the Gallic Wars, Egypt to Octavian after the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at the battle of Actium (31 BCE), and Britain (at least its ‘softer’ parts) to Claudius in 43 CE.

In the days of the Republic, power lay in the hands of an oligarchy (‘rule by the few’), a situation threatened by the imperial pretensions of Julius Caesar. These pretensions were ‘nipped in the bud’ with his assassination in 44 BCE at the hands of the republican conspirators, Brutus, Cassius et al. Brutus and Cassius were in turn defeated by Antony and Octavian who divided the Empire between them, Octavian ruling the western part (with its capital at Rome) and Antony and Queen Cleopatra the eastern part (with its capital at Alexandria). With the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra at the battle of Actium, and their consequent suicide, mastery of the whole Roman world passed to Octavian.

By 27 BCE, Octavian had subdued the Empire, and had established peace. He had handed the Empire back to the Senate and people of Rome, and was in turn pronounced princeps, chief citizen of the Republic. Addressed as Augustus (‘the exalted one’, a title hitherto reserved for gods), he inaugurated a new period of peace and prosperity, the ‘pax Augusta’, with a new form of government in which he, despite appearances, held all the reins of power. The Empire he had inherited as virtually sole ruler was destined to control the Mediterranean world from c.30 BCE to the end of the fifth century CE. Within its confines, Christianity rose (cf. Lk. 2:1) and spread, until by the first part of the fourth century CE it came, under Constantine, to be recognized as the state religion.

The Roman emperors of the New Testament period should be noted, and can be briefly summarized. After the death of Augustus in 14 CE, Augustus’ adopted son, Tiberius, took over (at the age of fifty-six) and reigned until 37 CE. It was under his reign that Pontius Pilate was installed as procurator (26 CE). Tiberius was, in general, conscientious and efficient but he became neurotic about the loyalty of his subjects, and his final years were marred by a number of political trials (‘treason trials’). The Prefect of the Praetorian Guard, Sejanus, one of the few he could trust, exerted great power and influence with Tiberius, and is considered to be the promoter of a number of the anti-Jewish policies associated with his reign. Pontius Pilate is reckoned by some scholars to have been Sejanus’ protégé and his treatment of the Jews (as reported by Josephus, the Jewish historian) may have had the backing of Sejanus. Sejanus himself fell in 31 CE, a fact that some have considered significant in light of Pontius Pilate’s vacillation over the trial of Jesus. He might have felt insecure, in the Emperor’s eyes, it is conjectured, after the fall of his mentor (cf. ‘If you release this man, you are not Caesar’s friend’, Jn 19:12).

Gaius Caligula, the son of Germanicus, Tiberius’ adopted son and nephew, succeeded Tiberius in 37 CE. Caligula was only twenty-five years old at the start of what was to prove a very brief reign (37–41 CE). A capricious despot, he courted divine honours, and, among other things, attempted to place a statue of himself in the Jerusalem Temple, a plan only thwarted by his untimely death. Some have seen a veiled reference to this sacrilegious act in Mark chapter 13, verse 14. Caligula’s uncle, Claudius, the conqueror of Britain (43 CE), took over from him (41–54 CE), and his imperial power impinges upon the New Testament when, according to the Roman historian, Suetonius, he expelled Jews from Rome (c.50 CE) ‘at the instigation of one Chrestus’ (could this be ‘Christus’?; cf. Acts 18:1).

The most famous emperor of the New Testament period, of course, was Nero, the great nephew, stepson and adopted son of Claudius. He it was who initiated the first major officially sanctioned Roman persecution against the Christians (Tacitus, Annals, XV.44). Reference will be made to this later. Nero’s relatively lengthy reign (54–68 CE) ended in civil war (68–69 CE), with no less than four contenders (Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian) battling for supremacy, and the right to occupy the imperial throne, when Nero died. That battle was won by Vespasian, thereby creating a Flavian dynasty which replaced the Julii and Claudii families of the previous emperors. Vespasian (69–79 CE) established a stable administration, renewed the principate initiated by Augustus and, where the New Testament is concerned, superintended the overthrow of the Jewish state, after the disastrous Romano-Jewish War of 66–73 CE.

Vespasian was succeeded by his two sons, Titus (79–81 CE.) and Domitian (81–96 CE), the former’s exploits in taking Jerusalem and presiding over the destruction of its Temple being recounted by Josephus, but his brother, Domitian, had a more effective and enduring reign, although he faced numerous frontier problems along the Danube and the Rhine as well as with the Parthians in the east. Sadistic and given to megalomania, his rule became increasingly oppressive as he, too, like Nero, courted divine honours. The Revelation of John is seen by many as a response to the persecution inflicted on Christians in his reign. Both brothers may in fact be alluded to in the enigmatic description of the Beast with seven heads in Revelation chapter 17, verses 9–11, the seventh head being Titus (‘when he comes he must remain only a little while’, 17:10) and the ‘beast that was and is not’, Nero redivivus in the form of Domitian (‘it is an eighth but it belongs to the seven and it goes to perdition’, 17:11).

Nerva (96–98 CE), an old man adopted by the Senate to replace Domitian, was the first in a line of enlightened emperors, who sought to rule in correspondence with the ideas of Greek philosophy (cf. e.g. Marcus Aurelius, 161–180 CE). He was succeeded by Trajan (98–117 CE) who restored Roman fortunes in the troublesome frontiers, and whose correspondence with the governor of Bithynia, Pliny the Younger (111–113 CE), which I shall refer to later, reflects a Roman’s view of a nascent Christianity suffering persecution in Asia Minor. The two last emperors of the New Testament period, Hadrian (117–138 CE) and Antoninus Pius (138–161 CE), are known to history as the ‘wall-builders’ of Britain, although, as far as the Jews were concerned (as we shall see in the next section), Hadrian was also a great destroyer of walls, the walls of Jerusalem, to be precise, in the disastrous Second Revolt (132–135 CE).

The social structure of Roman society was essentially a pyramid with Senate members and their families at the top, knights or equestrians beneath them, and the majority of Roman citizens or plebeians at the bottom. In addition, there were freedmen (ex-slaves who were normally non-citizens). At the base of the pyramid were the slaves, and at its pinnacle, over all, as princeps, was the chief citizen, the Emperor. The political structure of the Roman Empire was related to this and consisted of the Emperor at the head, with his council, the heads of government departments (procurators), the administrators of Rome and the provinces (prefects and proconsuls) and various other officials. There were two types of province: the public (or senatorial) province and the imperial province. Public provinces were governed by the Senate through proconsuls. Imperial provinces were ones that were usually militarily insecure and in which, therefore, the greater part of the army was stationed. In the first century CE between twenty-five and twenty-eight legions were under arms (at full complement a legion’s strength was six thousand men and officers, plus an equal number of auxiliary troops). Imperial provinces, as the name implies, were ruled by the Emperor himself through his governors. These imperial provinces (and their governors) were variously named depending on the extent or nature of the troops stationed there (some provinces had one or more legions, others a single legion, others auxiliary troops alone). It was mainly to administer these provinces that Augustus established the equestrian class. Although directly responsible for the imperial provinces, the Emperor was also given power to intervene in public provinces. For parts of the Empire not thought ready or suitable for direct administration, the Romans governed via ‘client kingdoms’ ruled by friendly local potentates (Flerod the Great, for example, was one of these).

Another mainstay of the Empire was Roman law, which was highly developed. Well in advance of Christianity’s influence, and in part as a result of Stoic philosophy (which we shall shortly turn to), the Roman legal system had introduced improvements in the status of women and the welfare of slaves. Punishment for public crimes, however, was severe, and consisted of crucifixion, beheading, burning alive, drowning and exposure to wild beasts. It was the right of any Roman citizen who was charged on a criminal matter to appeal directly to Caesar. The apostle Paul is described as doing this in Acts chapters 22 and 25ff. Roman citizenship was a coveted possession, and deemed a great privilege in the ancient world. It was often secured by the path of military service in the auxiliary forces.

Reference has already been made to the pax Augusta, or the pax romana, as it is often called. Under Roman rule, the material quality of life had improved for the Empire’s peoples. A flourishing trade existed throughout the Empire, its citizens accustomed to a wide variety of goods and products, whether wheat and papyrus from Egypt, marble from Greece, or perfume, spices, gems, ivory, pearls, silk and slaves from India and the Orient. Communications were good, as the second-century bishop of Lyons, Irenaeus, testified: ‘[T]hrough their instrumentality the world is at peace, and we walk on the highways without fear, and sail where we will’ (Adv. Haer. iv.30.3).² Roadmaking was the genius of the Romans, although brigands or highwaymen still constituted a problem for some travellers, as the parable of the good Samaritan indicates (Lk. 10:30–37). Though suspended during the winter months on account of storms, sailing was another important means of transport, and a major achievement of the Empire in the first century CE was to clear the sea of pirates.

To pay for the benefits of the pax romana, the Empire’s peoples were subject to taxation. Various taxes were imposed, including the tributum, a direct tax (on land or personal property), which was levied on all who lived outside Italy (cf. Mk 12:13–17). The rights to collect these taxes were often sold to ‘publicans’ (publicani) who formed companies with shareholders in Rome and elsewhere. Although control of these companies was vested in procurators, abuses were common. To determine the tax base for the tributum and other taxes, local censuses were taken. After the deposition of Archelaus in 6 CE, for example, when Judaea reverted to direct Roman rule, Quirinius, the Roman commander in Syria, ordered a general census to be taken in Syria and Palestine (cf. Josephus, Ant. XVII.355; XVIII.1–10, 26). It may be a confusion with this particular census, which caused much protest, that lies behind the datum of Luke chapter 2, verse 1 that in the period of Quirinius’ governorship, a general ‘decree went out from Caesar Augustus that all the world should be enrolled’. Nothing, in fact, is known of a census at this time that was Empire-wide, and logically as well as logistically the idea is nonsensical.

The Empire also had a uniform system of coinage which served in addition the propaganda purposes of the Roman emperors. From 44 BCE onwards, when the Senate first authorized coins to bear the likeness of the ruler, the practice was adopted by successive emperors. Performing a role similar to today’s postage stamps, these often had political, religious or military symbols on the obverse side (cf. Mk 12:13–17).

Although welcomed by the majority of European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern peoples,³ the pax romana was not viewed with entirely unmixed feelings by the Empire’s subjects. For one thing, it was never completely unified, since there were a number of rebellions throughout the Empire at various times, and numerous mutinies on the part of troops. Rome’s response to these was often brutal and merciless. In Calgacus’ famous words in respect of the Caledonian campaign: ‘To plunder, butcher, steal, these things they misname empire. They make a desolation and they call it peace’ (Tacitus, Agric., XXX).⁴ Rome was not always true to her image as a tolerant power and some of the peoples or communities of the Empire feared and hated her oppressive rule, a good example being the Jewish–Christian community of Asia Minor from which the Revelation of John emerged.

The Hellenistic background

Having said something about the first of the three political and cultural backgrounds which make up ‘the World of the New Testament’, the Roman Empire, let me now turn to the second, the background supplied by Greek language and civilization, or ‘Hellenism’. Here, I wish to concentrate on the cultural, social, philosophical and religious features of the Hellenistic world that have relevance for the New Testament. In speaking, moreover, of the Hellenistic background to the New Testament, I shall be making, by necessity, a number of general, and perhaps overly sweeping observations.

The catalyst for Hellenism, Alexander the Great, died in 323 BCE, but the vast Empire created by him did not survive his death. Politically, it disintegrated, with Hellenistic kings taking over Syria (the Seleucid dynasty) and Egypt (the Ptolemaic dynasty). Culturally, however, it survived and throughout the Mediterranean world Greek ways were being taken over and imitated. Greek culture was aped, appropriated, and coveted by all, and the Romans were no exception. When they took power in the Mediterranean world, they took over Greek architecture, Greek education, Greek science, and even the Greek ‘gods’ whom they identified with their own. The world was divided into Greeks and ‘barbarians’ (so-called, pejoratively, from the ‘bar-bar’ or indistinct noise or language deemed to be spoken by non-Greeks).

The Greek language became the lingua franca of the Roman Empire, its official language. Latin was used in the western provinces, however, and nothing was done to suppress the use of native languages (cf. Acts 14:11; 21:37). The Greek adopted was not classical Greek but koine (‘common’ or ‘mixed’), and it is in this language that the religious texts of the New Testament are written. One testimony to the widespread use of Greek is the fact that when Paul, a Jew, wrote to the Romans, he wrote to them in Greek, and not Latin!

The Hellenistic age produced a panoply of distinguished poets and historians (some of whom have been previously mentioned): Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Livy, Nicholas of Damascus, Strabo, Seneca, Musonius Rufus, Pliny the Elder, Philo, Josephus, Tacitus, Suetonius, Martial, Juvenal, Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, Epictetus, etc. It is worth pointing out, moreover, in relation to this literature, that the New Testament, while Jewish in origin, nevertheless has its rightful place within the extensive realm of Greek literature, in its Hellenistic phase.

Greek science, too, was taken over by the Romans, but its progress was often retarded by the influence of the theological and philosophical systems and ideologies that dominated the ancient world. We...

Table of contents

• Cover 
• Half title
• Series Page
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents 
• List of tables and figures
• Acknowledgements
• Preface
• List of Abbreviations
• 1. The world of the New Testament
• 2. The early church
• 3. The New Testament
• 4. Interpreting the Gospels: Hermeneutics
• 5. Introduction to the Synoptic Gospels
• Notes
• Further reading
• Index of authors
• Index of passages
• Index of subjects