The United Nations

A Beginner's Guide

Norrie MacQueen

• Publisher: Oneworld Publications
• Year: 2012
• eBook ISBN: 9781780741802
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Diplomacy & Treaties
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Since its inception in 1945, the United Nations has had a powerful but controversial influence on global politics. In this well-written and informative guide, Norrie MacQueen provides a clear introduction to its institutions, remit, personalities, and role in the modern world. Defending it from common criticisms of bureaucratic paralysis and bias towards the developed world, MacQueen argues that its limitations are due to the complex web of national interests that it seeks to reconcile.

1

The origins of the UN

When the United Nations was formed in 1945 it did not come out of the blue. It was simply the latest stage in a long process in international politics with beginnings stretching far back in world history. The idea of organized, long term cooperation between political communities was present in the Greek city state system as early as the fifth century BCE. An informal league, formed initially to protect religious sites, gradually took on the character of an international organization with a role in conflict resolution and even collective security among the independent states of the Hellenic peninsula. The United Nations of today then is just the current incarnation of a creature which has existed in some form for millennia.

The more modern pedigree of the UN can be tracked back to Europe in the mid-seventeenth century. In 1648 the dreadful Thirty Years War, which had laid waste to large parts of northern continental Europe since its outbreak in 1618, ended with the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia. The aftermath of subsequent major conflicts – themselves markers of the breakdown of international relations – brought their own designs to make the international system work.

Historical traces: from Westphalia to the Concert of Europe

In its effort to remove the causes of the Thirty Years War, the Treaty of Westphalia set out what would become the basic principles of contemporary international relations. The three key concepts advanced at Westphalia were territoriality, sovereignty and autonomy. Henceforward international politics was to be conducted on the basis of territorially defined states with fixed geographic borders between them. Within these borders government would be sovereign; the state would have unqualified political and legal power in its own space. These nation-states would be autonomous from each and there would be an uncrossable division between domestic and external politics.

It seems odd perhaps that this emphasis on state power and independence could be a key stage in the development of international organization, which implies a breaking down of divisions and restraints on national power and sovereignty. But the establishment of a state based international system composed of autonomous governments was a fundamental prerequisite for the creation of effective inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), of which the United Nations is the most developed model to date. The Westphalian system replaced the remnants of the old idea of Christendom in Europe which had been based on the notion of overarching religious authority transcending that of local politics. By the beginning of the seventeenth century the Protestant Reformation in northern Europe had challenged the idea of universal religious obedience. Simultaneously, far-reaching social and economic changes undermined the old feudal system of political power. Together, these two forces of modernization created such strains on the international relations of the time that their breakdown in general conflict became inevitable. The eventual resolution of this conflict at Westphalia then set the terms for modern world politics. The political arrangement in Europe after 1648 created the conditions for the emergence of a new international society based on cooperation – however limited and self-interested. Paradoxically therefore the essential conditions for international cooperation and organization grew out of a new emphasis on independence and sovereignty.

The Peace of Westphalia proved to be the first turn of a cycle which was maintained over the next three centuries right up to the establishment of the United Nations in 1945. The phases in this cycle went like this:

1. Pressures would build within international politics and eventually bring about breakdown in the form of general war.

2. The end of this war would generate attempts to regulate the new post-war system in ways that would meet the specific problems which had brought about the breakdown.

3. At each turn of the cycle the new regulatory mechanisms would be more elaborate and would require a higher level of cooperation than the previous one.

The end of the Thirty Years War began the process by creating the basic rules of the new system. The next breakdown comparable to the Thirty Years War came with the system-wide wars in the decades after the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century. The Congress of Vienna in 1815 and later treaties which set the character of the post-1815 international system performed roughly the same function as Westphalia had in 1648. Now, though, the regulatory mechanism required a higher commitment from the major actors in the system. The victorious powers would now be more proactive in overseeing the workings of the post-war system. It was no longer enough merely to set out ground-rules; they had to be positively imposed. The result was the ‘Concert of Europe’ composed of the big powers – Britain, Prussia, Austria, Russia – which had defeated revolutionary France. The balance of power would now be actively managed and military intervention used where necessary to maintain it. To this end, regular gatherings of national representatives were held which attempted to negotiate conflicts in the system rather than allow them to spill into violence. And the concert system was, in retrospect, successful in managing relations between states, even if its fundamental conservatism had a deadening effect on progressive politics within them.

Interestingly, Henry Kissinger drew on the model of the Concert system when as US secretary of state in the 1970s he set about constructing the détente between the superpowers which brought, however temporarily, an easing of Cold War tensions. An academic before becoming a practitioner, Kissinger’s early research had been into the post-1815 Concert system. As a committed realist, Kissinger thoroughly approved – as indicated in the title of his first book, published in 1957, which explored the Concert system: A World Restored. Kissinger’s belief was that the major powers in the world at any point – whether in 1815 or in 1970 – were bound together by a mutual self-interest in maintaining stability in the international system. Instability, after all, posed a threat to their dominance. To this extent all big powers were conservative powers whatever the colour of their internal politics. Consequently, on the international plane, the strongest states should actively cooperate to manage global relations regardless of any ideological differences there might be between them. This applied just as much to the United States, the Soviet Union and China in his day as it did to Britain, Austria-Hungary and Prussia in the first half of the nineteenth century.

Clearly this was still a long way from the degree of international cooperation associated with the modern United Nations. It was also based on the active management of a balance of power rather than the replacement of balance of power politics with global collectivism. But the Concert system, with its implicit acknowledgement that peace could only be maintained by active management, was a step towards it.

The Concert system was reasonably successful in maintaining peace in Europe through the stresses and strains of much of the nineteenth century. There was no major conflict between the major powers until the Crimean War in the 1850s, and even this did not prefigure a general breakdown in European relations. Other factors though also accelerated the long march towards the United Nations. The rapid technological advances of the later nineteenth century, particularly in transport and communications, were crucial. International cooperation was enormously aided by the development of the European rail network and the invention of telegraphy. Big set-piece international conferences – such as those in Berlin in the 1870s and 1880s dealing with the Balkans and with the European scramble for Africa – could be quickly and efficiently organized. National leaders could meet face-to-face in a way unthinkable even a few decades before. At the same time, the dark side of technical innovation – the increased mechanization of war fighting – led to unprecedented international attempts to control the spread of new destructive weapons. The Hague Disarmament Conferences of 1899 and 1907 were ultimately unsuccessful. The self-denying ordinances that would be required were simply too much to ask of European states at the height of their imperial pomp. But despite this, the Hague talks did mark yet another step towards modern international organization.

THE HISTORICAL CYCLE OF INTERNATIONAL REGULATION

System breakdown	Settlement	Regulation
Thirty Years War	Westphalia (1648)	State Sovereignty
Napoleonic Wars	Vienna (1815)	Concert of Europe
First World War	Versailles (1919)	League of Nations
Second World War	San Francisco (1945)	United Nations

The League of Nations

The failure of the Hague Conferences – and more broadly of the post-1815 cycle of international regulation – was horrifically confirmed by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. But its end in 1918 brought the latest turn of the stress-war-regulation cycle. However, emerging from the Treaty of Versailles, there was a quantum leap in the nature of regulation: the new League of Nations. This would be the world’s first IGO, properly speaking, in that it had a global membership which was required to sign up to a constitution and meet together regularly at a permanent location in order to pursue the objectives of the institution. The principal architect of this new organization was the American Democratic president Woodrow Wilson.

However radical the ideas behind it, the creation of the League of Nations could not be said to have taken the world wholly by surprise. The expectation that new forms of international management would follow major conflicts was now a familiar one and the First World War had been of such traumatic proportions that a particularly bold approach was inevitable. Even beyond this, though, an intellectual climate had developed on both sides of the Atlantic at the beginning of the twentieth century in which new and unashamedly modernist ideas for global regulation flourished. In part this was a result of the influence of the new social sciences. The idea that scientific solutions to problems need not be restricted to the physical world was gaining currency. Economics had been growing as a discipline since the eighteenth century, of course, but now figures as diverse as Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud were laying claims to an extension of scientific analysis and prescription to a much wider range of social problems. And what social problem could be more demanding of scientific solution than that of international war?

Even before the outbreak of the war the French social theorist Léon Bourgeois had proposed that the radical seventeenth-century idea of the social contract – setting out the relationship of rights and obligations of peoples and their governments – could be extended from the domestic to the international level. Individual countries, Bourgeois argued, could and should contract into a general agreement with the collective of world states, undertaking to accept certain responsibilities in return for the guarantee of rights and protections. The result would be a peaceful and secure global environment. Simultaneously, on the other side of the Atlantic, similar ideas were being advocated, though here they reflected America’s constitutional political culture by emphasizing legal structures more than philosophical propositions. The League to Enforce Peace, led by former president William Howard Taft, proposed a permanent ‘parliament’ of states which would draw its authority from a world court.

Unsurprisingly, it was this American perspective that shaped the thinking of Woodrow Wilson. The son of a Presbyterian minister, Wilson’s moral compass had been set early in life. He had first pursued an academic career, rising to become president of Princeton University. From this prominent position he entered politics and was eventually invited to run as Democratic presidential candidate. Following success in the 1912 election he took office in 1913. His sense of moral responsibility led him, against considerable political and public opposition, to bring the United States into the war on the allied side in 1917, ‘that the world be made safe for democracy’ as he put it in his address seeking the support of the legislature. In January 1918 he delivered his famous Fourteen Points to the US Congress which set out America’s war aims. The last of these called for the creation of a ‘general association of nations’ to be ‘formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike’.¹ The foundations of the latest cycle of post-conflict regulation – and the template for contemporary global organization – were thus laid. America’s dominant position at the Versailles negotiations in 1919 as the least damaged and by far the most powerful of the victorious powers, ensured that the League would come into being, even if the final outcome was not quite as Wilson himself had foreseen.

The new League was a profoundly revolutionary innovation in a number of respects. Its structure and functions set the standard for the range of international organizations which followed across the twentieth century. This was most strikingly so in relation to the United Nations, its direct successor. The ambitions of the League went far beyond those of the old Concert of Europe. The League was the first international organization to be built around a formal statement of principles and objectives. In other words, and reflecting the legalistic instincts of its principal advocate, it had a constitution: the Covenant (a direct echo from Wilson’s Fourteenth Point). The League was also the first international organization to have a permanent headquarters, the Palais des Nations in Geneva (today the European headquarters of the United Nations). Another revolutionary innovation was the creation of a permanent, dedicated bureaucracy (or secretariat) overseen by a secretary-general (originally with the title of Chancellor). Uniquely, the international civil servants who made up this secretariat, although drawn from the member states, were to be loyal primarily to the League and not to their home countries. The League was to operate on the basis of a quasi-state structure. The secretariat approximated to a national civil service, of course, but there was also to be a semi-executive Council composed of the major powers, and a semi-parliamentary Assembly which would represent the membership as a whole. And, the structure would embrace a Permanent Court of International Justice which would be located in The Hague.

The deeply radical character of this new organization is perhaps not fully appreciated today. In part this is due simply to the fact that the League set the template for a plethora of later organizations whose structures are now routinely familiar to us. But in part it is due to the general perception that the League was a historic failure on the grandest of scales and that little about it is worth commemorating. There was, after all, a Second World War.

Figure 1 Palais des Nations, Geneva, Seat of the League of Nations and later the European Headquarters of the United Nations (UN Photo)

The inescapable fact is that the League’s central purpose was not realized. The League of Nations existed first and foremost to oversee a global system of collective security. Beyond all the radical innovations in its structure and operations this was to be its unique advance on the regulatory attempts which had followed the conflicts before the First World War. With the advent of the League states were no longer supposed to be wholly responsible for their own security in relation to other states in the international system. Security was to be collectivized by the system as a whole, with the League of Nations presiding over this new multilateral framework. At the outset the Covenant required League members to accept ‘obligations not to resort to war’. It then insisted ‘that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement by common action of international obligations’. National weapon stocks were thus to be maintained only at a level which would allow the state to preserve order and, crucially, to contribute to the imposition of collective security beyond its frontiers. League members were ‘to respect and preserve as against external aggression the territorial integrity and existing political independence’ of all other members, and the Council, as its executive organ, would ‘advise upon the means by which this obligation will be fulfilled’. Any ‘war or threat of war whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not [was] a matter of concern to the whole League’ which would ‘take any act...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Contents
• List of illustrations
• Abbreviations and acronyms
• Members of the United Nations
• United Nations peacekeeping operations
• 1 The origins of the UN
• 2 Powers, bureaucracy and leadership
• 3 Peace I: collective security and arms control
• 4 Peace II: peacekeeping and humanitarian intervention
• 5 International law and human rights
• 6 Decolonization and development
• 7 Environment: sustainability and the future of the planet
• 8 Taking stock: reform and the future
• Notes
• Further reading
• Index