Africa

A Beginner's Guide

Tom Young

• Publisher: Oneworld Publications
• Year: 2012
• eBook ISBN: 9781780741260
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: African History
• Index: Social Sciences

Vast, diverse, dynamic, and turbulent, the true nature of Africa is often obscured by its poverty-stricken image. In this controversial and gripping guide, Tom Young cuts through the emotional hype to critically analyse the continent's political history and the factors behind its dismal economic performance. Maintaining that colonial influences are often overplayed, Young argues that much blame must lie with African governments themselves and that Western aid can often cause as much harm as good.

1

Africa before colonialism

This is not an historical book, but we usually find in human affairs that it is difficult to make sense of things until we have some idea of how they have developed over time. History is always controversial, not just because of the limitations of the material historians can find, but often because people’s sense of themselves is bound up with their understanding of their history. A Scottish nationalist’s view of Scotland’s history will be rather different from an Englishman’s, for example. When we turn to Africa further difficulties become apparent, two in particular. One of these is to do with the relative absence of written scripts, and therefore documents, from the continent, which means that much African history even today, despite all sorts of ingenious technical innovations devised by historians, remains rather speculative and controversial. A second concerns how we understand the notion of ‘history’ at all – and this is very controversial indeed. This issue turns on an idea that is deep seated in Western thought, namely the idea that some peoples are ‘without history’. Famously articulated by the great German philosopher Hegel (for whom Africa was the ‘land of childhood’), its most notorious expression in recent times was by an eminent Oxford historian Hugh Trevor-Roper who remarked that there was no history in Africa but only ‘the unedifying gyrations of barbarous tribes in picturesque but irrelevant corners of the globe’. It is customary to condemn such notions as ‘racist’ but (as so often) this accusation is shrill rather than illuminating. Here in any case it misses the point. This view of history was neither racist in any useful sense, nor indeed ‘right-wing’, since it was shared by that great revolutionary Karl Marx who praised British imperialism in India precisely because it would introduce elements of progress into Indian society.

That history writing is often linked to political agendas is very clear in the case of Africa. Almost as if in reaction to Trevor-Roper’s remarks there was an explosion of historical writing about Africa from the 1960s onwards linked to the independence of African states, which now seemed to need their ‘own’ history, not that of the colonisers. Much of this historical writing, despite having remarks like Trevor-Roper’s as its target, in fact shared many of his assumptions. History was about progress and the point was to prove that Africans were also part of that history, that they too had empires, cities, technology, and cultures; all the things thought to denote ‘progress’. While among academic historians this kind of history has been replaced by something a little more objective, it still retains its grip – especially on more popular writing about Africa, much of which is not very subtly concerned to argue that Africans are ‘just as good’ as anyone else. These considerations are sometimes taken to mean that any attempt at historical understanding is a waste of time, as there is nothing but opinions. There are two reasons why this is a mistake. One is that new evidence comes to light that can enlarge our understanding. Such evidence may be better explained by one standpoint rather than another. But standpoints themselves can also be analysed and debated. So although we can understand how, and even why, debates about African history have become so emotionally charged, we can, I think, distance ourselves from them. A brief comparison may make the point. If historians of Japan are correct, the country was relatively technologically backward until recent times so, for example, just as in Africa, wheeled transport was not used much.

Nobody thinks that Japan or the Japanese are technologically ‘backward’ now, so these aspects of the Japanese past can be explained in ways that take account of history and geography, and indeed culture, without making demeaning or offensive inferences about particular peoples. It is, finally, important to be clear about our standpoints. The view taken in this book is firstly, that there are no significant biological differences between peoples that have any bearing on their historical development; and secondly, that there are important cultural differences about which we can learn but about which we should never, if at all, rush to judgement.

Environments

Controversies do not end with history – they rage in geography as well, though they are perhaps not so vehement. But it is worth noting that there has been a tendency in much recent social science and public discussion to play down the significance of geographical facts because they appear to induce a kind of fatalism or resignation which many people find objectionable. This attitude is deeply rooted in Western culture, which has long seen ‘nature’ as something to be controlled and dominated. It is reinforced by the fact that we live in an age of enormous advances both in scientific knowledge and in its application in the form of ever more effective technologies. In the face of such triumphs to stress the recalcitrance of nature seems almost a betrayal of humanity. But although all human societies grapple with the problems of social relations they also have to forge a relationship with the natural world, and this is always constrained by circumstances and environments. Even today in the West we are having to consider whether we can ignore our environment as much we have got used to since the late nineteenth century.

To follow a path through all these controversies I am going to limit myself to a set of observations about pre-colonial Africa which I think most scholars accept are plausible and which I also think go some way towards explaining more recent developments in the continent. This requires much generalisation about very big issues and there will always be exceptions to such generalisations, but the effort still seems worthwhile. It is worth making clear at the very outset what an enormous place we are dealing with. The continent of Africa is larger in size than the USA, Western Europe, and the Indian sub-continent put together. The figures are provided in Table 1 but the map below makes it clearer.

Table 1 Relative sizes of the continents

Asia	44,579,000 sq km
Africa	30,065,000 sq km
North America	24,256,000 sq km
South America	17,819,000 sq km
Europe	9,938,000 sq km

The sheer size of Africa alone has had important consequences for human activity, but there are many other features of this immense land mass that have had a considerable impact on the organisation of human communities. There is no doubt that, like other parts of the world, Africa is extremely physically diverse, containing a wide range of physical features and habitats, many of which are conducive to human settlement. But it is also true that in several ways it is quite a hostile environment for humans. Much of it is desert and semi-desert (the Sahara is the largest desert in the world and in area equals the United States including Alaska). It is one of the driest land masses on the globe with marked variations in rainfall, variations which are much higher in Africa than tropical Asia or America. It is not so much the total quantity of rainfall that is important as its distribution.

Map 2 Africa compared to other continents (image © David Berger)

Most of the African continent has wet and dry seasons rather than the four seasons characteristic of the earth’s more temperate zones. Rainfall patterns are cyclical and rains can and do sometimes fail completely. Rates of evaporation are high and so a given amount of rainfall is less effective than in cooler parts of the world. Aside from its effects on what can be grown and when, the climate encourages a wide range of human and animal parasites which have sapped human vitality and restricted certain kinds of agricultural production. There is no winter in the tropics so insects and parasites flourish. Fatal endemic diseases include malaria, river blindness, sleeping sickness (trypanosomiasis), and bilharzia. The forms of malaria prevalent in Africa have been the more virulent ones which are often fatal, especially in children. Doctors in early colonial times estimated malaria killed 20% of young children in the Lake Nyasa region (modern Malawi). It is true that Africans have developed resistance to many of these pathogens, nevertheless many of them induce chronic conditions that are very debilitating. A number of other diseases, including dysentery, worms infestations, yaws, and leprosy, although rarely fatal, also drain vitality and lower life expectancy. A recent scientific paper suggests that, ‘The neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) are the most common conditions affecting the poorest 500 million people living in subSaharan Africa (SSA), and together produce a burden of disease that may be equivalent to up to one-half of SSA’s malaria disease burden and more than double that caused by tuberculosis’.¹ Some of these diseases do not only affect humans but animals too. Trypanosomiasis, transmitted by the tsetse fly, prevents about one third of the land surface south of the Sahara being used for livestock. It has a specially deadly effect on horses, which ensured that large parts of the continent were unable to exploit that animal. Agricultural productivity in Africa is the lowest in the world and a considerable proportion of any crop is lost to diseases and pests, two of the most notorious of the latter being the locust and the quelea quelea bird.

There are other features of the African environment that have made life at least hazardous and development difficult. Generally speaking soil qualities are poor. Because most of the continent is hot all year round organic material continually decomposes and, as a result, the soils are very old and weathered and plant nutrients are less plentiful. Consequently soil productivity declines rapidly under continuous cultivation, thereby requiring African farmers to operate a high ratio of fallow to cultivated land. There are of course exceptions to these generalisations. Where there are highlands (much of east Africa), there are richer soils which can sustain a wider range of crops and more intensive agriculture. One recent estimate suggests that:

Fifty five percent of the land in Africa is unsuitable for any kind of agriculture except nomadic grazing. These are largely the deserts, which includes salt flats, dune and rock lands, and the steep to very steep lands. Though these lands have constraints to sustainability, about 30% of the population or about 250 million people are living, or are dependent on these land resources. About 16% of the land has soils of high quality and about 13% has soils of medium quality.²

Beyond the production of food an important aspect of economic growth is the opportunity and capacity to move goods. Here also nature has not been kind. Although the African continent constitutes about 20% of the world’s land mass its coastline is about 30,000 km (less than half that of Asia for example), meaning that the sea is less accessible. Over long distances the coastline is unbroken by sizeable inlets (there are few natural harbours) and there are relatively few navigable rivers, as most of them are characterised by alternating sections of low gradient and rapids. South Africa, for example, has virtually no navigable rivers. These formidable obstacles to transportation of goods on any scale have ensured that Africa’s coastal population densities are the lowest in the world. Some experts have argued (though this is more controversial) that the very shape of the continent, in terms of its north–south orientation, has traditionally made technological transfers, especially in agriculture, between different climatic zones more difficult than in Asia and Europe.

These are rough and ready generalisations, and certainly exceptions to them can be found, but broadly speaking they appear to be significant. Another kind of evidence which supports the importance of these factors is the population history of the continent. Despite various prejudices to the effect that the poorer parts of the world are over-populated, Africa has been (and indeed is), if anything, under-populated. Even today, with 20% of the world’s land mass Africa has 14% of its population, and that figure was quite a bit lower only thirty years ago. To explain this anomaly historians have suggested that famine has been a persistent feature of African history, often having devastating effects leading to the death of as much as a third of populations. It was sometimes caused by locusts or even protracted warfare, but the main cause was drought. These environmental factors shaped not only economic life but social and political life as well. The fragility of population meant that almost everywhere in the continent before modern times population densities remained low. It is generally agreed that population density is one of the key forces bringing about social and economic change. Low population densities were compounded in Africa by difficult terrain, which was a major constraint on transport techniques (even today transport in Africa is more expensive than most other regions of the world). These factors in turn tended to discourage exchange and to reinforce local self-sufficiency and reduce incentives for technical innovation.

It is important to understand that these were (and are) general tendencies. Nowhere are human beings simply the creatures or puppets of environmental forces. Africans have devised all sorts of techniques and practices to deal with the difficulties they confronted. In some cases it is only recently that it has come to be understood in the West that some of these practices, for example the use of herbs or certain kinds of planting technique, made a lot of sense. But is is fair to say, in the words of a very eminent Africanist that:

the ecological inheritance [of Africa] could never have been less than difficult. Africa was ‘tamed’ by its historical peoples, over many centuries, against great handicaps not generally present in other continents, whether in terms of thin soils, difficult rainfall incidence, a multitude of pests and fevers, and much else that made survival difficult.³

Cultures

What kinds of culture were likely to emerge in such circumstances? Needless to say these matters are controversial, not just because, and obviously, people feel strongly about their cultures. But also because, and this is rather less obvious, in Western societies many people are deeply hostile to the idea of ‘culture’ in any sense. I should add that many Africans (but by no means all) also take this view. I will return to the political implications of this later in this book but for now I simply need to note its effects. This hostility to the idea of culture comes from two sources. One is the idea that culture(s) stand in the way of some idea of universal values. So if we believe in such values (the usual candidate for this role is ‘human rights’) it seems as if we have to downgrade distinct cultures, especially if they are seen to be incompatible with what we take to be universal. The second worry is that the term culture implies static and unchanging traditions, and lurking behind this worry is the idea that culture implies ‘irrationality’. Because in the historical past Europeans often accused Africans of ‘irrationality’ this is a red rag to a bull, and brings forth the usual litany of accusations of racism, ‘Eurocentrism’, and so on. My view is that most of these concerns are nonsense. Between individuals there might be different degrees of rationality (possibly) but there are no such systematic differences between groups of people. Of course cultures are not static and unchanging but we can usefully hang on to the word to refer to peoples’ deeper orientations towards the fundamental problems of life and how they should organise themselves.

Given these working assumptions perhaps the most striking feature of African culture(s) was their need to deal with the pervasive tension between the abundance of land and the scarcity of people, a tension sharpened by low levels of technological capacity. It is this relationship which has produced some of the features we often think of as ‘typically’ African. Survival depended on access to land which was treated as a communal good, not in the sense of modern communism, but rather as a resource of the community within which people had rights to produce or gather food. The abundance of land also shaped much of African family life and social structures. The problem was not, as in Europe and some other parts of the world, to ensure that land remained within a family, because almost everywhere land was plentiful. The problem was rather to accumulate the labour to cultivate the land. The result of this was, in many African societies, great competition for women and an intense concern for fertility. African societies were enormously concerned about matters of reproduction and childbirth. As one eminent historian of Africa puts it: ‘this African obsession with reproduction later surprised anthropologists familiar with regions where nature was more benign’.⁴Infertility was dreaded and children were an essential part of social status, a source of labour and welfare provision in old age.

Social structures and cultures adapted to these imperatives. The practice of ‘bride price’, for example, made sense as a compensation to the bride’s family for the loss of her fertility and capacity to work. Polygamy was an ideal way of building up households. But such practices also produced characteristic tensions and the historians are quite right to dismiss notions of a ‘harmonious’ African community. So there were endless disputes about land, partly because different people could have different claims on it. Infertile or older women were often thought to be cursed or suspected as witches. Many African societies used rituals to identify them and they were often expelled from the society or even killed. There were deep tensions between male generations and it is this that seems to be behind the strong stress in African societies on the social dominance of older men. Practices such as initiation rites, age sets, and ritual fighting were ways of disciplining younger men in societies without elaborate technologies or formal institutions.

With very limited capacities to control their environments many African societies made a sharp distinction between the area of cultivation ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Contents
• List of illustrations
• Introduction: making sense of Africa
• 1 Africa before colonialism
• 2 Colonial rule and nationalist revolt
• 3 Independent Africa: success and failure
• 4 Conflict, war, and intervention
• 5 Can outsiders change Africa?
• By way of conclusion
• Notes
• Further reading
• Index