PART 1
MAPPING OUT
THE TERRITORY
Chapter 1
COMPLEX TRAUMA IN CHILDREN
An Overview of Theoretical Developments
FRANCA BRENNINKMEYER
Trauma really does confront you with the best and the worst. You see the horrendous things that people do to each other, but you also see resiliency, the power of love, the power of caring, the power of commitment, the power of commitment to oneself, the knowledge that there are things that are larger than our individual survival.
Bessel van der Kolk
This chapter will give an overview of the theoretical developments with regard to the concept of âcomplex traumaâ in children. By way of introduction a summary of where this concept has emerged from will be presented.
Trauma, post-traumatic stress disorder and the DSM
âThat was awful, really traumaticâŚâ â a spontaneous expression that can often be heard in relation to taxing events in everyday life. Thankfully, many of these exclamations will not relate to psychological trauma in a clinical sense, but they indicate that there is a popular understanding of âtraumaâ referring to psychological upset following distressing events.
The word âtraumaâ stems from the Greek language and means âinjuryâ or âwoundâ. The use of the word âtraumaâ for a âpsychological injury/woundâ only appeared at the end of 19th century (Weisaeth 2014). However, it was not until the late 1970s that an official consensus emerged around what a âpsychological traumaâ consisted of. This led to the diagnostic category of âpost-traumatic stress disorderâ (PTSD), which was first included in the third edition of the American Psychiatric Associationâs Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III) (APA 1981). The enormous number of Vietnam War veterans who were struggling with severe psychological distress helped to advance this development in considerable measure (Friedman, Resick and Keane 2014; Turnbull 1998).
The DSM generally defines mental health conditions by their symptoms and not their causes. In an exception to this, the DSM defines PTSD explicitly with regard to both cause and effect (Greenberg, Brooks and Dunn 2015). The cause of the disorder is a traumatic event and the effects are the ensuing PTSD symptoms. The traumatic event is termed the âstressor criterionâ or criterion A. After some revisions, criterion A was defined in the DSM-IV (APA 1994) as having two parts: criterion A1 is specified as âthe person experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with an event or events that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to the physical integrity of self or othersâ; criterion A2 became âthe personâs response involved intense fear, helplessness, or horrorâ (APA 1994). The subsequent possible effects of such a traumatic event were defined in the DSM-IV (APA 1994) as three symptom categories or criteria: criterion B describes recurrent and intrusive re-experiencing symptoms (such as dreams, flashbacks), criterion C describes avoidance symptoms (including numbing, detachment) and criterion D describes arousal symptoms (such as hypervigilance, increased startle). Two further criteria, E and F, respectively stipulated that the symptoms had to last for at least one month and that the distress or âfunctional impairmentâ had to be significant (Friedman et al. 2014).
The symptom categories B, C and D each had a subset of symptoms of which a specified minimal number had to be present for PTSD to be diagnosed. Criterion D (arousal symptoms) would, for example, be met if at least two of the following were present: 1) difficulty falling or staying asleep; 2) irritability or outbursts of anger; 3) difficulty concentrating; 4) hypervigilance; 5) exaggerated startle response; and 6) âphysiological activity upon exposure to events that symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic eventâ (APA 1994). The details regarding the three symptom categories highlight the potentially varying PTSD presentations. These are further added to by the DSM-IV (APA 1994) describing âspecifiersâ (acute, chronic and delayed-onset PTSD) as well as possible âassociated featuresâ (e.g. survival guilt, marital problems, loss of job) and âassociated disordersâ (e.g. panic disorder, phobias, depression). PTSD was initially classified under the broader category of âAnxiety Disordersâ, but this changed in the DSM-5 (see below).
PTSD in the ICD
The International Classification of Diseases (ICD) is published by the World Health Organization (WHO). It covers all known medical diseases and includes mental health conditions. PTSD was added in 1992 and defined in a similar manner to how it appeared in the DSM (Turnbull 1998).
PTSD and children
The initial DSM-III criteria for PTSD in adults were also meant to be used for children and adolescents. It soon appeared, however, that PTSD presented differently in children and therefore the criteria needed to be adjusted. This led to a small number of age-specific features gradually being included (Cohen 1998). With regard to criterion A, the DSM-IV specifies that children may react with âdisorganized or agitated behaviorâ when first exposed to the traumatic event. Criterion B, event re-experiencing, could be expressed through âtrauma related repetitive playâ, âre-enactmentâ and âfrightening dreams that may have non-recognizable contentsâ. Criterion C remained the same as for adults. It was furthermore mentioned that children may express having physical ills (e.g. stomach pains and headaches) and that there may be âomen formationâ (a belief that warning signs must have preceded the trauma and need to be looked out for to prevent future traumas). As it is difficult for children to verbalize their symptoms, the DSM-IV stated that the evaluation of symptoms in children must include reports from parents, teachers and other observers (APA 1994).
Traumatized children, especially very young children, continued to be under-diagnosed with PTSD, however, resulting in a number of researchers voicing that the criteria for children needed to be more âbehaviourally anchoredâ and âdevelopmentally sensitiveâ (Friedman and Resick 2014, location no.1084). Kaminer, Seedat and Stein (2005) drew renewed attention to the issue that âeight of the eighteen PTSD criteria require a verbal description of internal states and experiences, a task beyond the cognitive and expressive language of young childrenâ (p.121â122). PTSD symptoms in young children could therefore easily be missed. Instead, the focus could end up on a co-morbid disorder, such as oppositional defiant disorder and separation anxiety disorder, when these may in fact be âpart and parcel of the PTSDâ (Cohen and Scheeringa 2009, p.93). It was advocated to move away from the concept of frequency of a certain number of symptoms, towards considering intensity of symptoms and the ensuing level of impact on the childâs functioning and development. It was also pointed out that a number of trauma-related manifestations in children were not included in the criteria, such as regressive behaviours, new fears or re-emergence of old fears, increased carelessness, attention deficit hyperactivity disorder-like (ADHD) behaviours, depression and complex grief symptoms (Cohen 1998, 2010; Frem 2013; Kaminer et al. 2005). However, Cohen and Scheeringa (2009) concluded that although in need of revision, PTSD was âa well-validated disorder and the most useful construct of child and adolescent post-trauma psychopathology for research and clinical purposesâ (p.98). These authors stressed that professionals must improve their knowledge of PTSD, as well as their assessment skills, before arguing that PTSD criteria are not suitable for children, especially chronically traumatized children.
Complex trauma
The concept of âPTSDâ was undoubtedly groundbreaking when first formalized in 1980. Voices questioning it could soon be heard though. Judith Herman, in her seminal book Trauma and Recovery (1997, first published 1992), argued that the PTSD criteria were based too much on the experiences and symptoms of war veterans. Traumatic experiences were actually happening closer to home and in significant numbers, especially with regard to domestic and sexual violence. Herman also argued that extreme forms of psychological traumatization were not sufficiently covered by the PTSD criteria. These severe psychological traumas typically occurred in situations where the victim was held in physical or emotional captivity whilst under the permanent, harsh or cruel control of another human being (such as in concentration/prisoner-of-war camps, brothels, long-term domestic violence and in various forms of child abuse). It was thought that the personal, repeated and prolonged nature of these traumas resulted in chronic helplessness (inability to escape), chronic dissociation (detachment from events/others/self in order to survive), as well as a chronic loss of trust and sense of self. The most significant consequences of functioning in this highly compromised manner were a fragmented self and an inability to relate to others. In addition, there was a heightened chance of being re-victimized and thus a consolidation of symptoms. It was for this altogether more complex and deeper-seated presentation that Herman proposed a new diagnosis of âcomplex PTSDâ.
Rather than a variation of PTSD, Herman thought of complex PTSD as a separate disorder with its own (seven) diagnostic criteria. The first, stressor criterion (1) was defined as prolonged (monthsâ to yearsâ) exposure to âtotalitarian controlâ that often includes physical and/or sexual abuse/exploitation. The ensuing symptoms were clustered into six criteria defined as âalterationsâ in: 2) affect regulation; 3) consciousness; 4) self-perception; 5) perceptions of the perpetrator; 6) relations with others; and 7) systems of meaning. Each of these clusters had two to five symptoms, some of which were traditionally associated with borderline personality disorder (Herman 1997, p.121).
The concept of âcomplex PTSDâ seemed to resonate with clinicians and researchers, who recognized the symptoms in many of their traumatized clients/study subjects. Bessel van der Kolk (2001), for example, describes how âover the years, it has become clear that in clinical settings the majority of traumatized treatment seeking patients suffer from a variety of psychological problems that are not included in the diagnoses of PTSDâ (p.2).
Research results with regard to complex PTSD â temporarily also known as âdisorders of extreme stress not otherwise specifiedâ (DESNOS) â led to proposals for complex PTSD to be included in the DSM-IV and the DSM-5 as a separate disorder to PTSD (van der Kolk et al. 2005). Although to date the proposals have not been successful, the symptoms of complex PTSD were included under the previously mentioned âassociated featuresâ of PTSD in the DSM-IV, and a long list of symptoms it is (APA 1994).
Emerging recognition of complex trauma in children
Already in 1991 Terr suggested two subtypes of PTSD in children. The first subtype (I) related to one-off, sudden traumas that resulted in PTSD symptoms as per the DSM-III. The second type (II) related to chronic, multiple traumas (e.g. physical or sexual abuse) that led to symptoms of âdenial and numbing, self-hypnosis and dissociation, and rageâ; âconsiderable sadnessâ could also occur. Terr notes that âcrossover conditionsâ (a combination of type I and type II) were possible too (Terr 1991, p.10). It would take a few years before these ideas were progressed (by others). The growing research with regard to complex PTSD in adults advanced this development as it increasingly pointed to the significance of early childhood trauma such as ongoing sexual, physical and emotional abuse (van der Kolk et al. 2005). One of the important, large-scale studies (17,337 participants) in this regard is the âAdverse Childhood Experiencesâ (ACE) study, which showed strong correlations between the extent of prolonged childhood trauma and the extent of both physical and mental health problems in adulthood (Anda et al. 2005; Felitti et al. 1998).
Other studies focused on the significant effects of complex trauma on children themselves: persistent difficulties in the childrenâs relational, em...