In contrast to previous approaches to phonological typology, the typology of syllable and word languages relates the patterns of syllable structure, phoneme inventory, and phonological processes to the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word.
This volume proves how useful this kind of typology is for the understanding of language variation and change. By providing a synchronic and diachronic account of the syllable and the phonological word in Central Catalan (Catalan dialect group) and Swabian (Alemannic dialect group), the author shows how the evolution of Old Catalan and Old Alemannic can be explained in terms of a typological drift toward an increased relevance of the phonological word.
Further, the description of Central Catalan and Swabian allows to identify common strategies for profiling the phonological word and thus makes an important contribution to research on prosodic phonology.
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Since the introduction of the typology of syllable and word languages (Auer 1993; 1994; 2001), there has been a growing interest among linguists working on dialectology and historical linguistics in approaching language variation and change from a new perspective. The typology of syllable and word languages has since inspired different lines of research, especially in the field of German linguistics.
With regard to dialectology, Schrambke (2003) and Nübling/Schrambke (2004) applied the typology of syllable and word languages to Alemannic, an Upper German dialect group, showing that North Alemannic has a higher number of word-related traits than South Alemannic, which has preserved an originally syllable-centered stage. The resulting picture sharply contrasts with previous classifications, which were mainly based on prosodically unrelated segmental features such as the reflexes of OAlem. î [iː], û [uː], íu [yː]. In this respect, Kauffmann (1890, 33) was the first dialectologist to favour prosodic features, rather than drawing on segmental ones:
Die ansicht, wonach […] eine mundart sich erst umgrenzen lasse, wenn eine überwiegende majorität zusammenfallender, gleichbegrenzter lauterscheinigungen constatirt sei, […] lässt außer acht, dass die characteristischen merkmale einer mundart viel weniger in den einzelnen lauten, als in constitutiven factoren wie accent, betonung, quantität u. a. liegen, die nur viel zu wenig erforscht sind.1
Kauffmann was certainly not aware of the implications that his proposal would have for the classification of Swabian. Despite being received favourably by scholars of the time such as Fischer (1891, 412), Kauffmann’s constitutive factors had to wait for almost a century before finding an appropriate theoretical framework that allowed for the identification of the connection between the relevance of specific prosodic domains and the phonological make-up of a language.
With regard to historical linguistics, Szczepaniak (2007) examined Old, Middle, and Early New High German demonstrating that the phonological development of German can be accounted for as a wholesale shift from a syllable language to a word language. For example, phonological processes such as word-final obstruent devoicing (Auslautverhärtung) and unstressed vowel reduction (Vokalabschwächung), both of which are attested in Middle High German, contribute to profiling the phonological word. While historical grammars merely give an account of phonological processes, the typology of syllable and word languages provides a window on language change often revealing that phonological processes are mutually related. In this respect, Becker (2010, 261‒262) points out: “Interessant wird die historische Phonologie erst dann, wenn man zur Kenntnis nimmt, dass sich die Merkmale in den Sprachen der Welt nicht beliebig verteilen, sondern in Bündeln auftreten, also irgendwie zusammenhängen”.2Szczepaniak (2007, 336) further proposes the study of similar typological developments in German varieties, which may reveal syllable- and word-optimizing strategies that are absent from standard German.
In addition to German and other Germanic languages, word-related features can be found in Romance languages. This is the case in Central Catalan and Portuguese, which are characterized by complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. These features point to a typological affinity with word languages. With the exception of the work of Schmid (1997; 2014) on Italo-Romance dialects, the typology of syllable and word languages has not been fully exploited in Romance linguistics. As a consequence, the word-related patterns of languages and language varieties such as Central Catalan and Portuguese are still poorly understood.
Following on from the work of Schrambke (2003), Nübling/Schrambke (2004) and Szczepaniak (2007), the present study contributes to the research on the typology of syllable and word languages by examining the common patterns derived from the centrality of the prosodic domain of the phonological word in two distant-related dialects: Central Catalan, a Romance dialect belonging to the Catalan dialect group, and Swabian, a German dialect belonging to the Alemannic dialect group. For this purpose, I will analyse Central Catalan and Swabian phonology from a synchronic and diachronic perspective, thereby focusing on three typological parameters: syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes. The synchronic account will help to evaluate the relevance of the prosodic domains of the syllable and the phonological word on the basis of the syllable- and word-related features found in the different Catalan and Alemannic dialects. Additionally, the diachronic account will enable us to explore the following questions:
– Are the current syllable-related features remnants of a prior syllable-oriented stage?
– Do the detected word-related features constitute an innovation resulting from a typological development?
– Which phonological process triggered the typological drift?
– In which variety is the relevance of the phonological word more pronounced?
– Finally, does the development of Central Catalan and Swabian unveil common patterns that may shed light on a previously undocumented typological pathway?
Central Catalan and Swabian were selected for the following reasons. First, Central Catalan and Swabian have a higher number of word-related features than other Catalan and Alemannic dialects. These features include complex syllable structure and unstressed vowel reduction. Interestingly, complex syllables are attested at earlier stages of Central Catalan and Swabian while unstressed vowel reduction constitutes an innovation. Let us take a closer look at the phonological evolution of OCat. abeurador [aβewɾaˈðoɾ] ‘water trough’ and OAlem. óbaz [ˈob˳as] ‘fruit’. In Old Catalan, we find a symmetrical vowel system, where full vowels and diphthongs may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Figure 1.1). In contrast, CCat. abeurador [əβəwɾəˈðo] shows centralization in unstressed vowels and deletion of word-final r. Additionally, in standard Central Catalan the unstressed diphthong [əw] has been preserved while in non-standard Central Catalan it has been simplified to [u].
OCat. abeurador [aβewɾaˈðoɾ]
CCat. abeurador [əβəwɾəˈðo]~[əβuɾəˈðo]
Figure 1.1: Phonological development of OCat. abeurador ‘water trough’.
Similarly, in Old Alemannic we find a symmetrical vowel system, where short and long vowels may occur both in stressed and unstressed syllables (see Figure 1.2). In contrast, Swab. Obst [ˈɁoːb ˳ ʒ˚d̥] resulted from unstressed vowel deletion, vowel lengthening in stressed syllables, glottal stop insertion in word-initial onsetless syllables, and consonant epenthesis in word-final position.
Figure 1.2: Phonological development of OAlem. óbaz ‘fruit’.
Thus, a comparison with earlier stages reveals that Central Catalan and Swabian underwent phonological processes that profiled the phonological word in varying degrees. Unstressed vowel reduction (centralization, diphthong simplification) and vowel lengthening are stress-related processes that contribute to creating an asymmetry between the stressed and unstressed syllables of the phonological word. Deletion of word-final r, glottal stop insertion, and consonant epenthesis are position-related processes that help to highlight the margins of the phonological word. Additionally, syllable complexity arose from unstressed vowel deletion and consonant epenthesis. Altogether, these processes give clues about the increasing relevance of the prosodic domain of the phonological word.
Second, Central Catalan and Swabian are well documented in linguistic atlases, local grammars (Ortsgrammatiken), dialect dictionaries, and historical grammars. This allows for a synchronic and diachronic phonological account of the patterns of syllable structure, phonotactic restrictions, and phonological processes.
Third, recent work in linguistic typology revolves around regional and non-standard varieties rather than written standard languages since standardization may bring about a deviation from the typological patterns that are typically found in the languages of the world (Kortmann 2004). In this respect, Central Catalan and Swabian offer the possibility to examine typological features in varieties that have not been under the influence of standardization. Central Catalan has the status of a standard language. However, there are dialect features that typologically differ from the standard. This is also the case in Swabian, which has not been subject to standardization. Let us consider simplification of diphthongs in unstressed syllables. The typology of syllable and word languages predicts that in word languages diphthongs are likely to undergo simplification in unstressed syllables. The prediction is borne out for non-standard Central Catalan and Swabian. For example, non-standard Central Catalan abeurador ‘water trough’ and Swabian Arbeit ‘work’ underwent diphthong simplification resulting in [əβuɾəˈðo] and [ˈɁɛɾb̥əd̥], respectively. For comparison, the corresponding items are [əβəwɾəˈðo] and [ˈɁaʀbaɪt] in standard Central Catalan and standard German, respectively. Thus, standard Central Catalan and standard German deviate from the expected typological patterns.
Finally, the typology of syllable and word languages may contribute to a better understanding of language variation within a dialect group. First attempts to describe typological variation within a language group were carried out by Donegan/Stampe (1983) and Donegan (1993), who related the phonological divergence between the Mon-Khmer and Munda branches of the Austroasiatic language family to opposite rhythmic principles. Similarly, the phonological differences found in the Catalan and Alemannic dialect groups can be accounted for in terms of typological features.
1.2 Treatment of the examples
Written forms from Central Catalan and Swabian are cited in the orthographies of standard Catalan and standard German, respectively. Orthographic representations are, as is usual practice, in italics. Dialectal forms from Swabian lacking a counterpart in standard German are given according to the Schwäbisches Wörterbuch. The Latin and Vulgar Latin etymology of Catalan (and any other Romance language) is given in small capitals following the established convention in historical Romance linguistics.
The examples from Central Catalan and Swabian are transcribed according to the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). As for the fortis and lenis obstruents in Alemannic, I will follow Fleischer/Schmid’s (2006, 245) broad transcription. In this way, the voiceless lenis obstruents in Swabian ([b̥], [d̥], [ɡ̊], etc.) differ from the voiced obstruents in Central Catalan ([b], [d], [ɡ], etc.). The phonetic transcriptions taken from the Südwestdeutscher Sprachatlas (SSA) and the local grammars (Ortsgrammatiken) have been adapted to the IPA. Examples from other languages will be given as found in the original source.
Interlinear glosses conform to the Leipzig Glossing Rules, which are available at http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php. The codes for category labels are given on the list of glosses above. Person-number combina...