Shelley was born on 4 August 1792, just three years after the outbreak of the French Revolution. It was a wellâtimed arrival. Although born in the eighteenth century, he grew up taking it for granted that the world would never be the same again; and when, at the age of 24, he visited Versailles and Fontainebleau, he thought the latter âthe scene of some of the most interesting events of what may be called the master theme of the epoch in which we liveâ. From the age of 19 he had known how important it was that people should be active in opposing âreligious, political, and domestic oppressionâ:1 in 1819, at the age of 27, he summed up his developed political philosophy:
He feared in 1811 that England itself might be âwillfully rushing to a Revolutionâ, but continued to believe in progress, writing in 1817 how âThere is a reflux in the tide of human things which bears the shipwrecked hopes of men into a secure haven, after the storms are past. Methinks, those who now live have survived an age of despair.â2
Nevertheless, in spite of such radicalism, âHe never could have been taken for anything but a true thoroughbred English gentleman.â3 He was not an aristocrat like his friend Lord Byron, but the eldest son of a Sussex landowning family (his father was Whig MP for Horsham, later a baronet: but that is not aristocracy). Shelley grew up with a knowledge of hareâhunting and foxâhunting along with a love of pistolâshooting, riding, sailing and billiards. His carelessness (or worse) in paying shopkeepers and tradespeople â including printers and publishers â remained all his life an indication of his class, however egalitarian he became (Byron described being slow to pay a debt as treating someone âlike a tradesmanâ). People with the status of Shelley and Byron were, though, also very likely to be cheated by those they employed; tradespeople could never be certain when â or even if â they would be paid. On Lake Geneva in 1816, the man who hired out boats asked Shelley âas a favourâ not to tell Byron that he was paying âdoubleâ for the boat he had hired.4
Shelleyâs everyday behaviour was very different from what was expected by people unprepared for his extraordinary courtesy. His politeness and amiability were not only those of a sweet disposition but of his upbringing: a friend insisted
Such gentility, nonetheless, did not preclude the ferocious resolve which Shelley could also demonstrate; he regularly repeated lines from the third Canto of Childe Harold, âBut there are wanderers oâer Eternity, / Whose bark drives on and onâ and sometime between 1821 and 1822 noted down âEver press onward onwardâ. Such quotations may add credence to the otherwise problematic recollections of Edward Trelawny (1792â1881): Shelley saying âI always go on until I am stopped, and I never am stoppedâ, for example, another version being âwith exquisite gentleness of manner he would always do, and do on the instant, what he resolved onâ.6 Driving on and on, never being stopped, demonstrated the kind of determination which could easily strike others as classâbased arrogance, in spite of â or perhaps because of â his âexquisite gentleness of mannerâ.
Although always insisting on his absolute difference from his father, he remained throughout his life, in attitude and outlook, one of the gentry (âPeople of gentle birth and breeding; the classâŚimmediately below the nobilityâ). It would be hard to find a friend of Shelleyâs who did not observe this, many of them with just a little sharpness: people with his kind of background were not usually the friends of radicals. Leigh Hunt and Shelleyâs acerbic acquaintance Charles Kirkpatrick Sharpe (1781â1851) both found Shelley âvery gentlemanlyâ,7 but it is easy to see how limiting a compliment that might be. John Joseph Stockdale (?1777â1847), who met him in the autumn of 1810 and published his second gothic novel, St Irvyne, encountered a âsomewhat natural haughtiness of dispositionâ, while his friend the writer and lawyer Thomas Jefferson Hogg (1792â1862) thought him âin the main, eminently patricianâ. Hunt took it on himself to rescue Shelley from that charge, but had himself called Shelley âpatricianâlookingâ; and in 1820 we find the Hunts and others laughing together âat Sâs little occasional aristocratical salliesâ.8 Exactly the opposite reaction came from the editor and writer J. G. Lockhart (1794â1854) of Blackwoodâs Edinburgh Magazine, in his insistence that âMr. Shelly, whatever his errors may have been, is a scholar, a gentleman, and a poetâ: that was a way of distinguishing him from the radical Hunt and from Huntâs reformist Sunday paper The Examiner, with its âsonnets from Johnny Keatsâ. Less qualified recognition came (as might be expected) from Byron, always on the lookout for the behaviour of âa Gemmanâ,9 recalling his association with Hunt over the latterâs paper The Liberal, and thinking
That is, of importance to suburban people like the Hunts. But, for Byron, Shelley was very different, being as he was
Byronâs mistress Teresa Guiccioli (1800â1873), an aristocrat herself, who knew Shelley in Italy 1821â1822, in old age also recalled his ârefinementâ and remarked that âhe would always have seemed the most perfect of gentlemen, one in a thousandâ. Although declaring himself in 1811 âno aristocrat, or any crat at allâ â he believed âthe canker of aristocracyâ11 endemic â Shelley was upperâclass through and through.
In Britainâs past it had often been the landowni...