From creating and repairing the first artifacts for personal and communal use through to the Internet of Things, the capacity of human beings to transform the world around them, for better or worse, continues to be shaped by their participation in social practices and learning, collectively and individually. Developing the expertise required to participate in workârelated activities engages people in diverse forms of learning in a wide range of spaces throughout their lives. These spaces include workplaces, workshops, classrooms, community and domestic spaces (including forms of transport), and the natural environment, and increasingly through interaction with digital technologies, including the Internet. For some people, the expertise they deploy for what they term work (whether paid or unpaid) may be very different from the expertise they deploy in their leisure time, whereas for others there may be a close connection.
Regardless of what drives an individual or a group of people to develop expertise, they will at some point participate in vocational education and training (VET). This participation will range across a wide spectrum: from programs providing an initial introduction for school pupils, to what is sometimes naively referred to as âthe world of work,â through to bespoke training organized by or for employers and selfâtaught activity. In this way, VET embraces programs using work as their pretext, although treating it as a largely generic or abstract construct; programs that have a specific occupational focus and may lead to a license to practice; apprenticeships that combine education and training both in and away from the workplace; and workâbased learning of various types and duration triggered by changes and innovation in work processes. As a result, the relationship between VET and actual work practice varies considerably. VET is a complex and challenging field of inquiry precisely because it cannot be easily defined.
By starting our introduction to this book with a deliberately unbounded perspective on VET, we want to signal the importance of viewing this field of inquiry through a lens that is wide enough to capture both the âsystemsâ approach and the theories, practices, and ideas that lie outside it. Indeed, the very acronym VET is problematic because it immediately suggests this Handbook is confined to analyses of different national systems for organizing formalized, regulated, and often governmentâfunded VET programs. Even more limiting, the acronym is often exclusively applied to education and training for young people as they make the transition from school to the labor market. In this way, VET becomes situated in a policy silo separated from, and sometimes deemed inferior to, soâcalled academic education. Understanding the differences between the ways that countries have conceptualized VET over time and created the institutions, curricula, and pedagogies they regard as appropriate sheds valuable critical light on how VET is evolving (see, inter alia, Michelsen & Stenström, 2018). It can also identify effective practices and processes that can be shared across countries and occupational fields. In addition, as an instrument of government policy or an institution within a national system of education, VET becomes answerable to important questions about social justice (e.g., unequal patterns of access and outcomes according to gender, ethnicity, and social class). Heikkinen (2001) offers two compelling arguments for the continued importance of national case studies in VET research. First, they âmay challenge the dominant aâhistorical discourse in vocational education, which only advocates permanent change, its inevitability and progressivityâ; and, second, historical, stateâbased perspectives can paradoxically contribute a âprogressive conservatismâ in relation to defending, respecting, and caring for longstanding practices (Heikkinen, 2001, p. 228).
There is a balance to be struck so that VET is not solely regarded as an instrument of government policy and/or an institutional component of a country's broader education system. Equal weight needs to be given to the conception of VET as a relational concept, which forms part of a dynamic interplay with the evolving organization and process of work, including the emergence of new occupations. The dominance of the systemsâbased approach has meant that in much of the international research literature on education, VET has been separated from and positioned below âhigher educationâ and âprofessional education,â despite their association with the development of expertise. This segmentation is perpetuated in policy documents issued by national governments and supranational agencies such as the Organisation for Economic Coâoperation and Development (OECD), World Bank, and European Commission.
In recent years, a number of studies have acknowledged the related nature of a range of challenges, including the ethical and practical implications of climate change for continued industrialization and economic growth, the impact of digital technologies on employment, the work and health concerns of aging populations, the challenges facing young people entering and making progress in the labor market, and continuing inequality across the global economy (see, inter alia, King, 2017; Olsen, 2009; Piketty, 2013; Standing, 2011). Placing equal emphasis on both continuing and initial forms of VET is being advocated as a necessary strategy to ensure people can adapt and refresh their expertise at different points in their lives in order to respond to changes in the labor market (see, inter alia, Bohlinger, Haake, Jorgensen, Toiviainen, & Wall, 2015; Field, Burke, & Cooper, 2013; Pilz, 2017). The predictions of the hourglass thesis that the growth in employment in advanced economies would increasingly occur at the top and bottom ends of the labor market have materialized to some extent in relation to Goos and Manning's (2007) polarization of employment into âlovelyâ and âlousyâ jobs, with a corresponding squeeze in what are classed as âintermediateâ jobs. Yet there is also evidence that this thesis is problematic in relation to its classification of jobs according to (a) definitions of skill based on educational entry requirements, rather than on the actual range of skills required and used in the workplace; and (b) wage distributions. Lerman (2017) asks, âAre the skills required for a master carpenter in some sense lower than those required of elementary school teachers with BA degrees?â (p. 182; emphasis in original). In addition, he explains that the wage measure does not capture the wide distribution and overlapping of wages within occupations. On these grounds, the predicted decline in what are classified as intermediateâlevel jobs and the homogeneity of the terms lovely jobs and lousy jobs become less reliable guides to the changing nature of work.
In some occupational fields, including highâstatus areas such as medicine and engineering, as well as in some service sectors, a more fluid division of labor is emerging. This has been stimulated partly by increasing projectâbased and teamâbased forms of working and also by the realization in workâintensive environments that demarcations based on traditional hierarchies of who is âqualifiedâ to perform certain tasks can and need to be challenged. This has resulted in some countries renaming VET, for example by (re)using the term technical education, and in the opening up of access for VET students to universities through the strengthening of VET qualifications and the creation of soâcalled higher apprenticeships. There has also been a continuing debate about the concept and role of soâcalled key competences in VET, and in education and training more broadly (alternative terms include generic, core, and transferable skills). Researchers have expressed mixed views as to whether they represent âan ineffective surrogate for general education and culture in vocational programmesâ (Green, 1998, p. 23) or work in progress (Canning, 2007).
The European Commission (2018) has declared that lifelong learning should impart eight key competences, which âcan be applied in many different contexts and in a variety of combinationsâ deemed necessary for a âsuccessful lifeâ (p. 14). These competences cover literacy; languages; mathematics, science, technology, and engineering; digital competence; personal, social, and learning competence; civic competence; entrepreneurship competence; and cultural awareness and expression. The latter four categories of competence in this list are sometimes referred to as âsoftâ skills. Warhurst, Tilly, and Gatta (2017) argue their emergence reflects a longstanding shift toward a âsocial construction of skillâ led by the rise of service sector employment.
The OECD has enshrined the notion that workârelated cognitive and noncognitive competencies can be decontextualized and formally tested at an international level in its Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC). PIAAC assesses the proficiency of 16â65âyearâolds in literacy, numeracy, and problem solving, which the OECD (2016) argues are the âkey informationâprocessing skillsâ that adults need to participate fully in all aspects of life in the twentyâfirst century (p. 22). Scholars who have critiqued PIAAC and other international largeâscale assessments such as PISA (Programme for International Student Assessment) raise a number of concerns ...