In 1995, I spent the summer designing and building web pages in Kanazawa, a regional city in Japan. Writing and dreaming in Hypertext Markup Language (HTML), I worked alongside engineers at the regionâs first Internet service provider, a midâsize conglomerate, to produce promotional webpages for hotels and tourist attractions. I was not a trained designer: I had taught myself basic photography and graphic design out of interest, and thanks to a childhood spent with computers could train myself to code in HTML and to use software such as Adobe Photoshop and Illustrator.
My efforts to render Kanazawaâs famously succulent prawns even more enticing on tourist websites tell a story about social change: I had begun a summer internship in the conglomerateâs central administrative division. As a woman, I was assigned a turquoise and white uniform and directed to stuff envelopes alongside the other young women in the administrative track, which ran alongside the career track for male university graduates. But my line manager swiftly moved me to the IT division, in a more specialized role, once my amateur computing and design skills became known, and I was offered a fullâtime role in the company following university graduation. It is unclear whether a Japanese woman would have been offered the same opportunity, so difficult to say whether my reassignment represented a reâevaluation of womenâs roles within the company, but at the very least indicates that the firm was open to foreign hires. My male colleaguesâ employment itself demonstrated change as well: some had postgraduate degrees, which complicated their position and salary in an ageâbased system predicated on joining companies immediately after university graduation. These attributes made us misfits. But they also represented a corporate strategy that valued internationalization and specialist technical knowledge, within a national corporate culture of preferring malleable â and Japanese â male generalists (Matanle 2003; Ogasawara 1998).
My web design role also tells a story of economic and technological change: by the summer of 1995, Japan was several years into the postâeconomic bubble economy that would soon become known as âthe lost decadeâ (Fletcher and von Staden 2014). Around me, acquaintancesâ firms were suffering, even closing, and the term risutora (restructuring, or corporate layoffs) had entered quotidian use. But from my superficial vantage point, the firm that provided the internship seemed less affected, perhaps because it had diversified its portfolio from energy and chemicals, the firmâs earliest divisions, to include building systems and computer hardware and software back in the 1960s. The firmâs location in Kanazawa also buffered it from the Great Hanshin Earthquake, which heavily damaged the KobeâOsaka area in January 1995, and from the Aum Shinryoâkyo sarin gas attack on the Tokyo subway system in March that same year.
As a respected and wellâconnected firm already offering comprehensive systems installation and maintenance, my employer was well positioned to profit from the World Wide Webâs arrival in Japan. My role as graphic designer, web developer, and copywriter had nothing to do with a corporate interest in branching into online advertising or graphic design; rather, the Webâs arrival represented an opportunity to provide a new level of regional infrastructure. The availability of software such as Adobe Photoshop and Illustrator and the ease with which one could learn to use them, given time, a manual, and increasingly userâfriendly interfaces, meant that an amateur with a computer, a color scanner â essential for translating analog photographs into digital images â and access to examples of similar designs could create and publish her own graphic products, outside the existing industry.
As this account of deskâtop publishing (DTP) in Kanazawa indicates, the Webâs arrival in Japan in the 1990s was one of a number of historical developments that positioned design in new arenas. These changes brought new actors into areas previously occupied and shaped by selfâconsciously professional designers. Websites, web design, and the Internet behaved as an open space â technology that had not yet âstabilized,â to use the science and technology studies (STS) phrasing â that could be occupied by a conglomerate with a burgeoning IT division and performed by a nonâprofessional designer. In twentieth century Japan, as in many other Organisation for Economic Coâoperation and Development (OECD) countries, graphic and industrial designers had organized for social and professional recognition of the designer as a skilled, irreplaceable member of the production team (Fischer and Hiesinger 1995; Insatsu Hakubutsukan 2008). Now, new technologies, uses, and users were destabilizing the industry, and designers who had fought for recognition of their professional status feared replacement by amateurs with DTP skills and a general degrading of graphic aesthetic sensibility and technique as a result. New practices existed alongside older and older new ones, creating a hybrid environment in which a foreign intern could use Photoshop, analog photography, and fax machines together, working alongside a team of suited men in a turquoise and white âoffice ladyâ uniform, despite her reassignment to a skilled role.
My work that summer had only marginal if any historical impact, but illustrates important shifts and conditions in contemporary Japanese history and the contemporary global history of design. (Or at least it would if anything remained of it; the websites evanesced years ago.) But I had forgotten about the experience, even after beginning to research the history of 1990s Japan through its industrial and graphic design industries. In that project, design journalist and educator Watabe Chiharu and I focused research efforts on professional designers in Tokyo, as visible in products and photographs from the period, published in industry journals, and interviewed in oral histories (Design History of Now 2014). I had not recalled my experiences as a web designer in regional Japan let alone thought them relevant. I overlooked them because they were at once too intimate and too distant, both in time and â with their amateurishness and location in a regional conglomerate, far from Tokyoâs storied design offices â from canonical or mainstream histories of Japanese design. I also overlooked them simply because the historian usually narrates someone elseâs story, not oneâs own. Why would I have thought to connect my own experiences either with design history or with Japanâs contemporary history more generally?
I begin with this anecdote as it illustrates the difficulties of compiling contemporary history. Not least that contemporary history, what we might call history of the recent past, intersects with the realm of personal experience. It suffers from proximity, or from what we might more aptly call an âinâbetweenâness of distanceâ that makes it neither history nor the present. Writing in 1975, historian John Dower noted, âFor Western scholars, occupied Japan remains something of an anomaly: too remote (1945â1952) for most economists and political scientists, still uncomfortably close for historiansâ (Dower 1975, p. 485). Writing in 2018, the 23 years to 1995 provide a similar gap. Writing or even seeing âhistory that has just happenedâ presents a challenge because it is no longer fresh in the mind, yet not so long ago for public opinion to regard it as worth chronicling or archiving. The events of 20 or 30 years ago are close enough to make us believe we remember them, but far enough that events are anything but fresh in the mind, making it easy to misremember them.
As the anecdote suggests, design historians can suffer from a blind spot when it comes to spotting the âsignificant quotidianâ in recent history. This chapter raises and considers the particular challenges presented by the task of compiling design histories of the recent past â or, equally, history of the recent past through design, or history of recent design pasts. While acknowledging design historyâs occlusions, the chapter also posits that design history, as a set of approaches, perspectives, and techniques, offers a potentially strong mode for undertaking histories of the contemporary, by design historians and others alike. It suggests that the approaches and perspectives possible in the history of design â attention to lived experience, materiality, and the everyday; an understanding of experience as interface with artifactual environment; and a concern with the making and experience of the artifacts, environments, and experiences that shape our physical and emotional interaction in the world â might provide an effective net for catching and seeing that history.
Combined with methods for communicating histories that activate such an understanding of affect as a designer would â or in collaboration with artist and designers â the chapter suggests that design history offers a powerful script for compiling and communicating histories of the recent past, and for placing those histories in relation to decisionâmaking now. To make its points, the chapter revisits ground familiar to design historians and contemporary historians alike. I claim neither originality nor novelty in the treatment of either topic or set of methods. Rather, the intention is to invite historians working with contemporary questions and material to engage with design historical approaches, and to articulate avenues, tools, and challenges for researchers and students in contemporary design history, studies, research, and practice. To this end, the chapter draws primarily on evidence and literature in design history, with reference to some methodological reflections on contemporary history.
The chapter is organized in three sections. The first explores the temporality, scope, and subjects of contemporary design history. The second discu...