1.1 Introduction
Policymakers and corporate representatives have frequently discussed cybersecurity information sharing as if it were a panacea. The phrase itself refers to many different activities and types of exchanges, but from about 2009 to the end of 2015, the cybersecurity policy debate in Washington, DC, was dominated by calls for greater information sharing. 1 Influenced in part by the postâ9/11 theme of âconnecting the dots,â both policymakers and the private sector commonly accepted that improved cybersecurity depended on â and would flow inexorably from â expanded information sharing within the private sector and between the private sector and the federal government.2 This view seemed to rest upon the assumption that with more information, systems may be made more secure through prevention measures or rapid remediation. Policymakers, reluctant to regulate cybersecurity standards, viewed voluntary information sharing as a tangible coordination activity that could be incentivized through policy intervention and sometimes directly facilitated by federal government roles.3 The policy debate culminated with the 2015 passage of the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act (CISA).4 The law sought to encourage information sharing by the private sector by alleviating concerns about liability for sharing otherwise legally restricted information. It also sought to improve sharing within the federal government and between the government and the private sector.
CISA was debated and adopted after several decades of efforts within law enforcement and national security agencies to coordinate and increase information sharing with and within the private sector. The US Secret Service (USSS) established the New York Electronic Crimes Task Force (ECTF) in 1995 to facilitate information exchanges among the private sector, local and national law enforcement, and academic researchers. In 2001, the USA PATRIOT Act mandated that the USSS create a nationwide network of ECTFs, which eventually consisted of over 39 regional hubs.5 In 1998, Presidential Decision Directive 63 (PDDâ63) authorized the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to create a National Infrastructure Protection Center (NIPC) as a focal point for gathering and disseminating threat information both within the government and with the private sector.6 PDDâ63 simultaneously directed the national coordinator for infrastructure protection to encourage the private sector to create an Information Sharing and Analysis Center (ISAC).7 The role of the private sector center was to collect and analyze privateâsector information to share with the government through the NIPC, but also to combine both privateâsector information and federal information and relay it back out to industry.8 Although PDDâ63 anticipated that there would be one national ISAC, various sectors ultimately formed their own ISACs focused on industryâspecific security needs.9
Over time, additional federal agencies also developed their own informationâsharing systems and procedures. For instance, US Computer Emergency Readiness Team (USâCERT) â an organization that took over many of NIPC's functions after it was dissolved following a transfer to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) â releases vulnerability information and facilitates response to particular incidents. Various other information exchanges and feeds â each with its own scope, access policies, and rules â were established across federal agencies charged with securing aspects of cyberspace. For example, in 2001 the FBI formally announced its âInfraGardâ project, designed to expand direct contacts with privateâsector infrastructure owners and operators, as well as to share information about cyber intrusions, exploited vulnerabilities, and infrastructure threats.10
In addition to these piecemeal federal efforts to expand cyber information sharing, privateâsector informationâsharing arrangements also proliferated. Antivirus software companies agreed to share virus signatures with each other, essentially deciding to differentiate themselves on platform usability and support instead of competing for data.11 Additionally, security researchers and individual corporate professionals formed ad hoc arrangements around critical responses to major incidents such as the Conficker worm and the Zeus botnet â threats that required coordination of response as well as exchange of information.12
Consequently, even before CISA was enacted, an ecosystem of information exchanges, platforms, organizations, and ad hoc groups had arisen to respond to increasingly pervasive and complex security threats within all industries. Today, this ecosystem of informationâsharing networks is characterized by a high degree of diversity â the result of years of evolving policies and cooperative models, driven by both the federal government and private sector. Informationâsharing models and structures operate in different niches â working sometimes in silos, occasionally duplicating efforts, and sometimes complementing each other.13
CISA attempted to advance information sharing on four dimensions: within the private sector, within the federal government, from the private sector to the government, and from the government to the private sector. However, the legislation was enacted without first fully mapping the ecosystem that had developed in the preceding years. Little effort was made to identify what was working effectively and why, or to deâconflict existing federal programs. Instead, the private sector repeatedly stated â and policymakers accepted â that concerns over legal liability (mainly arising, it was asserted, from privacy laws) were inhibiting information sharing. Therefore, one of CISA's major provisions was liability protection for private sector organizations as an incentive for more information sharing.
CISA's usefulness and impact on the informationâsharing ecosystem has yet to be demonstrated. On the contrary, our study suggests that the law did little to improve the state of information sharing. If anything, it only added more hurdles to federal efforts by mandating that the federal portal include unnecessary technical details (freeâfield text entry) and cumbersome submission methods (eâmail). The law lacked specificity on how federal efforts would work with each other and with already existing informationâsharing networks in the private sector. Focusing almost solely on the private sector's liability concerns, it failed to address other key factors associated with sharing, including trust management, incentives, reciprocation, and quality control. In sum, CISA was a policy intervention divorced from existing sharing mechanisms and lacking a nuanced view of important factors that could enable agile exchanges of actionable information.
This chapter focuses on cybersecurity information within the private sector and between the private sector and federal government (leaving to others the issue of sharing within the federal government itself). It examines how governance structures, roles, and associated policies within different cybersecurity informationâsharing organizations impact what information is shared (and with whom) and the usefulness of the information exchanged. This research is based on a qualitative analysis of 16 semiâstructured interviews with cybersecurity practitioners and experts. Using these interviews and other available information on cybersecurity sharing, we have created a taxonomy of governance structures that maps the ecosystem of informationâsharing organizations â each of which fills particular security needs and is enabled by different policy structures. This chapter discusses the implications of these policies and structures for values that directly impact sharing, particularly the tradeâoff between trust and scalability. This research illustrates how different governance models may result in different degrees of success within the complex and changing cybersecurity ecosystem. Our findings point to lessons â mainly caut...