Food
In the fourth book of Homerâs Odyssey, Menelaus tells the young Telemachus, Odysseusâ son, who has come to visit him in search of information about his father, about how he (Menelaus) was delayed on his return from Troy by adverse wind conditions on the island of Pharos off the Egyptian coast. Supplies were running low, and with them what strength Menelaus and his comrades had left, but Eidothea, daughter of Proteus, the old man of the sea, took pity on them:
This is one of the passages in which, as has long been recognized, the tale of Menelausâ homeward voyage, his nostos, foreshadows that of Odysseus, but does so in a lower, less heroic key. The distinction which Menelaus draws between himself and his crew is repeated when Odysseus and his men are stranded on the island where the cattle of the sun-god graze; hunger forces Odysseusâ men to fish (12.332 repeats 4.369), and finally, when Odysseus is absent and asleep, his men succumb to their hunger and kill some of the cattle, with disastrous results. Hunger and the incessant demands of the belly (gastĂȘr), a theme that resonates much more loudly in the Odyssey than in the Iliad (cf., e.g., Od. 7.215â18), becomes in fact a leitmotif of the scenes on Ithaca in which Odysseus, disguised as a beggar, tests the suitors and plots their destruction. While the feasting suitors consume Odysseusâ flocks, leaving it to the careful and trustworthy Eumaeus to preserve the dwindling stocks as best he can (cf. esp. 14.5â28), the theme of the hunger that pursues the non-Ă©lite and outcast members of society is foregrounded in Book 18, in which the disguised Odysseus is forced to fight against the beggar Iros for a haggis (gastĂȘr) âfull of fat and bloodâ (18.45, on which see the notes of Russo, Fernandez-Galiano, & Heubeck, 1992, 49â50, and Steiner, 2010, 162). The seer Theoclymenus realizes that the day of death is at hand for the suitors when Athena distracts their wits, they are afflicted with weird fits of laughter, and âthe meat they ate was foul with bloodâ (Od. 20.345â8).
However, what particularly attracted the attention of learned readers in antiquity about the respective tales of Menelaus and Odysseus was not, in fact, the way they are used to differentiate the heroes from those beneath them, but rather the focus on the eating of fish as a food of âlast resort.â It was noted at least as early as the fourth century BC that fish did not form a regular part of the Homeric diet (cf. Pl. R. 3.404b12-c3, Eub. fr. 118 KA = 120 Hunter); in the Iliad, in fact, fishing only occurs in similes (cf. 5.487, 16.406â8, 747 (diving for sea-squirts, a wretchedly unheroic occupation), 24.80â2), and Hellenistic scholars, the so-called âseparators,â who believed that the two poems were the work of different poets, used the absence of any fish-eating from the Iliad as one piece of evidence (scholium on Il. 16.747). The greatest Homeric scholar of the Hellenistic period, Aristarchus, argued against the âseparatorsâ that Homer minimized references to fish and seafood because it was trivial (mikroprepes), just as âhe does not show them eating vegetablesâ (scholium on Il. 16.747, cf. Ath. 25d). The matter has been much discussed in modern scholarship (cf. Davidson, 1997, 11â20), but it does seem most likely, as Aristarchus essentially realized, that Homerâs focus on meat-eating, particularly as an accompaniment to sacrifice, is part of the creation of a heroic, distanced world, and is not to be taken as a realistic reflection of Ă©lite life in the Bronze Age. The greater prominence of fishing and fish-eating, even if under constraint, in the Odyssey, is both a reflection of that poemâs greater concern with âthe ordinary manâ and the lessening of poetic distance between the events related and the Homeric audience (cf. 19.113, cited below).
As this example demonstrates, food and its uses in narrative carry symbolic value, as they do in many cultures and literary traditions. The cannibalism of the Cyclops and the corrupt and incessant feasts of the suitors both offend against the privileged good order of a well run society, as is seen, for example, in the paradigmatic episode at the beginning of Odyssey 3 in which Nestor and his sons greet Telemachus and the disguised Athena on the Pylian shore and, after completing their sacrifice, offer their visitors âroast meatâ and wine. The most famous expression of this good order in antiquity was Odysseusâ so-called âGolden Versesâ from the start of Book 9:
The eating of food is, or should be, a sign of sharing in a community; Achilles refuses to eat as one manifestation of removing himself from the Achaean fellowship in his grief for Patroclus (Il. 24.129), but when he has accepted Priamâs offer of ransom for the body of Hector, thus returning to the shared world of heroic social values, he himself urges Priam to share a meal with him, an act that seals their agreement (24.601â28). This social value of eating is also stressed through the fact that, in the formulaic Homeric mode of composition, more verses are standardly devoted to the preparation and distribution of food than to the actual process of eating, which is often dismissed in a single verse, âbut when they had set aside their desire (eros) for drinking and eating.â
The manifestation of these ideas at the macro-level is the flourishing of the land and the food supply in a justly governed state. The disguised Odysseus tells Penelope that she is like a just king, under whom
So too for Hesiod, the presence of justice in a community is manifested in peace and the absence of famine:
The Works and Days is centrally concerned with the relation between justice and the ordering of agricultural life; the struggle for food is what determines life, and famine is a reality, as indeed it was throughout the ancient Mediterranean. Work and the practice of justice will mean that âFamine will hate you, but you will be loved by fair-garlanded Demeter, the revered lady, who will fill your barn with the stuff of lifeâ (299â301). Some four centuries after Hesiod, Callimachus told the story of Erysichthon, who inspired Demeterâs anger by cutting down the trees in a grove sacred to her in order to build a hall for âconstant feasting,â itself a wasteful disregard of the proper use of food and resources. Demeter punishes this impious desire by precisely inspiring Erysichthon with insatiable hunger, so that he not only eats his parents out of house and home, but also eats âthe mules ⊠and the racehorse and the war-horse and the white-tailed creature [? weasel] which made the little animals [i.e. mice] trembleâ (Callimachus Hymn to Demeter 107â10). The prayer with which the hymn ends shows the persistence of the Hesiodic ideal throughout antiquity, as indeed we would expect in any pre-industrial society:
Eating was not always a laughing matter.
Food, however, could be. A principal inheritor of the Hesiodic vision that associated plentiful food with a Golden Age (Op. 116-20) and a world of peace and concord was Attic, as also Sicilian (Epicharmus), comedy. In comedy, however, such visions of plenty had more to do with wish-fulfillment and the carnival world created by these dramas â note especially the culinary conclusion to Aristophanesâ Ekklesiazousai â than with moralizing protreptic, as in Hesiod. Food could still, of course, carry argumentative force. In Aristophanesâ Acharnians the central character makes a private peace treaty with the Spartans, which means that all of the good things of Greece of which the blockaded Athenians are deprived can flow into his private market. Particularly welcome is the eel from Lake Kopais that a Boeotian merchant brings:
Dicaiopolisâ emotion is marked by an amusingly paratragic tone (we may be reminded of Electra greeting her brother at Soph. El. 1224ff); the return and recognition of such âdear onesâ marks, as in tragedy, that the tables are turning and things are definitely looking up.
Comedyâs delight in ...