1.1 Introduction
The health survey methodologies considered in this handbook have been under continuous development for the past 150 years. The story of their emergence has been one of tools and ideas borrowed from many disciplines, such as demography, economics, medicine, nursing, psychology, public health, social work, sociology, and statistics, to address the concerns of social reformers, health care providers, community advocates, business interests, government planners, policy makers, and academic modelers. Indeed, the statistics derived from health surveys have served multiple purposes and multiple audiences. This chapter provides a brief overview of their origins and development.
1.2 Precursors of Modern Health Surveys
The first recognizable health surveys are no doubt lost to history. It is known, however, that public health problems associated with early industrialization and rapid urbanization during the nineteenth century motivated some of the earliest empirical inquiries that exhibited characteristics not greatly unlike what is now considered modern health survey research (Ackerknecht 1948, Elesh 1972, Rosen 1955). The efforts of Kay (1832) and Booth (1889â1902) to examine poverty conditions in the British cities of Manchester and London, respectively, were in fact early applications of survey methodology to address health-related problems. Booth's Life and Labour of the People of London, in particular, was noted for the development of poverty maps, which provided graphical representations of the geographic distribution of poverty indicators across London (Pfautz 1967). Similar efforts were conducted by VillermĂ© (1840), who investigated health conditions among factory workers in France in his volume Survey of the Physical and Moral Condition of Workers Employed in Cotton, Wool and Silk Factories, and Johann Peter Frank, who conducted crude surveys of health and social conditions in several Italian provinces in 1786 (Frank 1941). The focus of these early studies on relationships among health, environment, and socioeconomic status became a recurrent and often dominant theme over subsequent decades as health survey tools continued to be developed and refined (cf. Ciocco et al. 1954, Krieger 2011, Sydenstricker 1933a).
Later poverty studies by Rowntree (1910) in York and Bowley and Burnett-Hurst (1915) in Reading and several other English cities each made independent methodological contributions. Rowntree may have been the first to employ a staff of survey interviewers to collect data. Possibly the earliest reported use of systematic random sampling was during the survey conducted in Reading by Bowley, who also included a detailed assessment of the accuracy of his findings that considered each of the sources of error now commonly recognized as part of the total survey error model. Following in the British tradition, poverty surveys, each linking adverse health events with the onset of poverty, were conducted in the U.S. cities of Buffalo in 1887 (Warner 1930), New York City in 1905 (Frankel 1906â1907), and Baltimore in 1916â1917 (Ciocco and Perrott 1957). In none of these efforts, however, were health conditions the central focus of the research but rather one of many factors crudely measured because of their perceived association with poverty and economic status.
Other nineteenth century research focused on urban sanitary conditions and their relationship to population health. One of the earliest such efforts that relied in part on empirical observations was Chadwick's (1842) Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain, which led to new public health legislation (Rosen 1958). Sanitary research similar to Chadwick's was also undertaken by public health practitioners in the United States concerned with emerging epidemics in rapidly expanding American cities (Bulmer et al. 1991, Peterson 1983, Rosenberg 1962). Most notable were the sanitary surveys conducted in Boston by Shattuck (1850) and in New York by Griscom (1845) and subsequently in numerous other cities. Several such surveys were sponsored by the Russell Sage Foundation, which also supported other early health-related surveys in dozens of communities in the United States and Canada (Department of Surveys and Exhibits 1915). One of the more well-known and comprehensive of these was conducted in Springfield, Illinois, in 1910 (Palmer 1912, Schneider 1915). Sanitary surveys also were conducted by the U.S. Public Health Service, which was reorganized and renamed (formerly known as the Public Health and Marine Hospital Service) in 1912 and charged with conducting field research into human disease and public sanitation (Furman and Williams 1973). Between 1914 and 1916, a series of these surveys were conducted by the Public Health Service in rural areas across the nation (Lumsden 1918). The methodologies employed in conducting sanitary surveys were varied, involving numerous approaches to evaluating community conditions. As such, there was at best only partial overlap with what we now consider to be modern health survey research.1 Although crude approximations by today's standards and widely criticized at the time (Elmer 1914, Schneider 1917), these efforts nonetheless demonstrated the value and importance of systematic observation for the study of health, environment, and related social conditions and contributed to dramatic improvements in public health in the United States and many other nations.
Similar to sanitary surveys in their diversity of methods and focus on action researchâbut more broadly framedâwere the studies conducted as part of the social survey movement in the early years of the twentieth century (Burgess 1916). Covering topics such as housing, adult and child labor, immigration, economics, and criminal justice, in addition to health, these studies perhaps were most accurately described as âsocial inventoriesâ of communities (Harrison 1912). As with the early sanitary surveys, a variety of practical methods in addition to, or in some cases instead of, household interviews were employed.2 Perhaps the most well known of these was the Pittsburgh Social Survey, conducted from 1907â1908 (Greenwald and Anderson 1996). Several other important social surveys focused their investigations on specific racial or ethnic groups, including Blacks in Philadelphia (DuBois 1899) and the Polish in Buffalo (Kellogg 1912). Eaton and Harrison (1930) cataloged the vast numbers of social surveys conducted in the first several decades of the last century. Although more broad in their coverage, health remained an important topic in these social surveys; in fact, many of them employed questionnaires to collect health information from respondents. The Pittsburgh social survey, for example, reported on the costs of illness in terms of lost wages, medical bills, medications, hospitalization, and so on (Kellogg 1912), and a survey conducted of residences in the Chicago Stockyards District in 1909â1910 reported information regarding family medical expenditures (Kennedy 1914).
Possibly the first studies specifically designed to collect national health data in the United States were the decennial Censuses of 1880 and 1890, which collected household information regarding persons who were currently âsick or temporarily disabled,â âblind,â âdeaf and dumb,â âidiotic,â âinsane,â and âmaimed, chrippled [sic], bedridden, or otherwise disabledâ (Department of the Interior, Census Office 1888 1895).3 Late in the nineteenth century, the U.S. Bureau of Labor also collected illness data as part of economic canvassing surveys conducted in urban slum areas of four large cities: Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia. This Special Investigation of the Slums of Great Cities concluded that rates of sickness were unexpectedly low, given the âwretched conditionsâ in which these populations lived (Osborn 1895). The Ch...