Outline
Six rivers flow, some into one another, all waters ending in the North Sea. To make up the âSouthern Riversâ, the Chet joins the Yare, and Yare and Waveney meet at Breydon Water. For the âNorthern Riversâ, the Ant joins the Bure, the Thurne and Bure meet, and the Bure continues, ending in the Yare below Breydon. Only the Yare keeps its name to the sea at Yarmouth, though six river waters meet the salt; which itself moves inland upstream daily for various distances according to tide. Northern and Southern systems are gathered under the regional name of the âNorfolk Broadsâ, though the Waveney forms the NorfolkâSuffolk county boundary, the term âNorfolk and Suffolk Broadsâ sometimes used. The broads are shallow lakes distinctive to the region, between 40 and 50 of them depending on definition, filled-up medieval peat diggings whose artificial industrial origin was figured with some surprise 60 years ago.2 Some broads sit to one side of the rivers, linked by dug channels (as with Ranworth on the Bure, or Rockland on the Yare), some occupy the river as if it had simply âbroadenedâ in its flow (as for Barton on the Ant).
The Broads appear in print in upper or lower case, and the conventions followed in this book can help clarify aspects of the region. There are many broads in the Broads, lower case individual lakes in a region named from them, otherwise termed Broadland. An individual broad achieves upper case when named, as in Rockland Broad, or Barton Broad. Deciding on a holiday, you might imagine cruising on the Broads (a regional experience), or on some broads (several points to visit). Such case conventions are followed in this book. One further element of regional nomenclature is worth noting, concerning fen/Fen. The Broads are sometimes regionally confused with the Fens, the former-wetland agricultural flatland in west Norfolk, Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire, where rivers flow to The Wash. As a wetland, Broadland includes extensive fenland, but the Broads are not the Fens, and indeed there are few fens in the Fens.
Instructive questions of terminology also surround the status of Broadland as wetland and/or waterland. Broadland as waterland carries qualities of scenic beauty, land framing water, free open air, leisure for profit, territory for regulation. Broadland as wetland triggers a poetics and politics of habitat, a landscape neither-water-nor-land, refuge for flora and fauna (human included), or waste wanting reclamation, needing drainage (Purseglove 1988; Bellamy and Quayle 1990; Giblett 1996; Cameron 1997). In The Conquest of Nature Blackbourn (2006) traces conflicts over German water landscape, the reclamation of marsh and fen provoking both eulogy and lament concerning the transformation of landscape and German identity. Parallel regional matters of hydrology and identity shape Broadland, whether in the maintenance of grazing marsh as iconic regional landscape, contests over rights of navigation, or the defence of fen and reedbed as home for regional fauna and flora, against both human reclamation and natural succession.
Five chapters follow this one, along with two interlude studies of regional icons, the wherry and the windmill. An outline of book topography will convey the shape of argument. Chapter Two, briefer than the rest, addresses Broadland origins, but rather than begin with geological or prehistoric background, historiographic analysis emphasises contested narratives of regional landscape formation. The 1950s discovery by Joyce Lambert that the broads were flooded medieval peat diggings prompted argument over the regional standing of science, and the value of landscape features no longer deemed natural. In keeping with studies in the historical geography of science, emphasising both the geographical shaping of scientific enquiry and âthe geographies that science makesâ (Naylor 2005: 3; Livingstone 2003; Lorimer and Spedding 2005; Matless and Cameron 2006; Cameron and Matless 2011), the chapter shows claims to regional authority shaping the reception of origin accounts. Definitions of and claims to the region shape scientific argument (Matless 2003a). Here as elsewhere the book examines âgeographies of authorityâ (Kirsch 2005), with institutions and individuals exercising claims to regional knowledge.
Chapter Three turns to conduct. From the leisure âdiscoveryâ of the Broads in the late nineteenth century, sponsored by railway companies and boat-hire firms (and with an associated discovery of regional folk life), the region has been defined through contested pleasures, as either essentially a pleasure waterland, or a nature region threatened by such conduct, with particular sites, notably Potter Heigham, a focus for dispute (Matless 1994). The moral geographies of leisure, concerning conduct becoming or unbecoming a particular landscape, are shaped through guides, novels, films, posters, detective stories, childrenâs literature, political campaigns and policy documents, cultural geographic excursions on the Broads demanding that connections are made between such diverse sources. Policy debate has turned on the modes of conduct deemed appropriate to the region, and the scales of authority â national, regional, local â appropriate for Broadland governance. Thus the possibility of Broadland becoming a national park brought decades of argument over conduct and the geographies of authority; what kind of region should this be, and who should exercise authority over it?
Consideration of conduct in Broadland also encompasses folk life and the comic. Broadland as waterland of leisure life is shadowed by narratives of authentic regional culture. The working lives lived by those long resident, heard as manifest in folk song and dialect, have been subject to collection and performance by those beyond and within the region. The discovery of Broadland entailed the discovery of a regional folk, in keeping with wider enthusiasms for folk culture as emblematic of national and local identity. The performance of folk life, including its self-conscious articulation by local residents such as dialect artist Sidney Grapes, could mix serious cultural labour with comic effect. An emphasis on conduct in work and leisure indeed draws attention to the comic qualities of landscape, the Broads as a space of amusement, an issue perhaps neglected in recent formulations of emotional geography (Davidson, Bondi and Smith 2007). Jokes and satire, joy and laughter, shape Broadland cultural geography.
Between Chapters Three and Four, and Five and Six, come two interlude studies of regional landscape icons, the wherry and windmill. The wherry as river vessel carrying regional cargo, or pleasure craft carrying leisure visitors, has, over 200 years, stood for the regional present and past, and since the mid twentieth century been subject to heritage salvage. Another technology of air and water, the windmill, the key mechanism for drainage until the mid twentieth century, and since subject to efforts of preservation and restoration, has likewise achieved iconic Broadland status. From their depiction in early nineteenth century âNorwich Schoolâ painting to their restoration by present enthusiasts, the wherry and windmill work as Broadland icons, with questions of navigation, drainage, heritage, governance and beauty condensing around them. âWherryâ offers an interlude after discussions of leisure and regional life in Chapter Three; âWindmillâ sits between the accounts of marsh and drainage in Chapters Five and Six.
Chapters Four and Five concentrate on the human encounter with the non-human world, the animal and plant landscapes of Broadland. Non-human life shapes cultures of landscape, subject to human attention, care and exploitation, acting in accordance with or across human expectations, human and non-human subjects and objects defined through relation. The title of this book, In the Nature of Landscape, plays on Broadlandâs qualities of nature, notably the prominence of the plant and animal in accounts of the region, yet also the use of nature to underwrite, indeed naturalise, human power, not least in overlapping categories of land ownership, sanctuary and reserve. The term ânatureâ has been questioned for the impossibility of fixing categorical boundaries between the natural and cultural, and the ways in which things deemed distinctly ânaturalâ emerge from hybrid relations such that the supposedly âpureâ category quickly collapses under historical scrutiny (Latour 1993; Whatmore 2002). It is nevertheless worth retaining ânatureâ and associated terms (natural history, nature study, natural science, etc) to register its complex colloquial work, whether in specialist languages of science, aesthetics and spirituality, or in vernacular and/or popular appreciation. For all its problematic conceptual status, ânatureâ may retain powerful communicative coherence. Specific genres of writing and picturing may convey the non-human such that their practitioners become ânature voicesâ, authorities on particular species or conveyors of a general value in the natural world (Matless 2009a). The complexities of nature, for Raymond Williams âperhaps the most complex word in the languageâ (1976: 184), are such that it happily problematises itself, as a working word impossible to erase.
Chapter Four considers Broadlandâs animal landscapes, emphasising the ways in which mammals and birds have variously appeared as objects of biodiverse value, quarry for killing, creatures for careful observation, cherished regional icons, or alien intruders. The term animal landscapes carries enquiry through fields as various as marsh, river, committee room, reedbed, museum and sky (Matless, Watkins and Merchant 2005). Naturalists and nature institutions study, document and broadcast, landowners reserve nature in private, voluntary and state bodies reserve nature for public interest, specific species such as the bittern and coypu concentrate argument over Broadland life. Chapter Five concentrates on Broadland plant life, botanical and ecological study finding scientific and cultural value in Broadland flora. Cultural geographies of the non-human have tended to concentrate on the animal, giving little attention to vegetation (Head and Atchison 2009); the investigation of plant landscapes also entails movement across marsh, committee room, undergrowth, museum, reedbed. Processes of ecological succession, advancing in part through the relaxation of human marsh man...
