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A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler
Concepts of Europe and Transnational Networks in the National Socialist Sphere of Influence, 1933â1945
Johannes Dafinger, Dieter Pohl, Johannes Dafinger, Dieter Pohl
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eBook - ePub
A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler
Concepts of Europe and Transnational Networks in the National Socialist Sphere of Influence, 1933â1945
Johannes Dafinger, Dieter Pohl, Johannes Dafinger, Dieter Pohl
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Nazis, fascists and völkisch conservatives in different European countries not only cooperated internationally in the fields of culture, science, economy, and persecution of Jews, but also developed ideas for a racist and ethno-nationalist Europe under Hitler. The present volume attempts to combine an analysis of Nazi Germany's transnational relations with an evaluation of the discourse that accompanied these relations.
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Part I
Concepts of Europe
1 âVolksgruppen Rightsâ versus âMinorities Protectionsâ
The evolution of German and Austrian political order paradigms from the 1920s to 1945*
This chapter looks at the evolution of âVolksgruppenrechtâ (the body of laws concerning ethnonational groups and their collective rights) in German and Austrian debates from the 1920s to the end of World War II. After World War I, the New Order in Europe â especially with the territorial changes dictated by the Paris Peace Conference treaties â intensified many of the conflicts between ethnic minorities (or to use the term of the time, ânational minoritiesâ), some of them long-standing. Criticisms (as heard not only in Germany) of the Geneva âminorities protectionâ mechanisms established after the First World War led to demands for the implementation of new international or supranational legal structures, as proposed during the course of the 1920s and 1930s by German activists on nationalities issues and German scholars of constitutional law, international law, and âVolkswissenschaftenâ (âVolk studies/sciences,â Volk meaning âpeopleâ but here with ethnonationalist connotations). In analyzing these developments, one needs to ask how much these initiatives were actually oriented (and from the very beginning) towards establishing a new political order based on inequality. This chapter will also examine the extent and ways in which these ideas influenced the planning, implementation, and legitimation of German occupational rule, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, and consider what other ideas â sometimes compatible, sometimes deviating â were being developed in Europe at the time, in terms of conceptualizing a political order based on âVolksgruppenâ (or âethnonational groups,â singular: âVolksgruppeâ), and/or a âvölkisch, GroĂraum-oriented political orderâ (völkisch referring to ethnonationalist ideologies, and GroĂraum meaning âgreater regionâ in terms of sphere of influence).
âArtgleichheitâ (âconspecificityâ) instead of equality: from âMinorities Protectionsâ to âVolksgruppen rightsâ
As the main authority for settling minorities conflicts after World War I, the newly established League of Nations (headquartered in Geneva) installed legal mechanisms that were meant to guarantee anti-discrimination protections to the individual1 â and not to collectives or corporate entities such as âVolksgruppenâ â along with the possibility of a complaints procedure in case of violations. The main objective was to avoid granting any âcollective group rights leading to the creation of âstates within a state.ââ2 As the political scientist Samuel Salzborn has astutely outlined, the collective rights approach is based on segregation along linguistic/cultural and ethnic lines (and sometimes âracialâ ones too), striving for a âmodel based on special laws for ethnic collectivesâ based on these differentiation strategies and âspecial statuses.â3 It is certainly true that the League of Nations, in establishing minorities protection frameworks, was not capable of solving every conflict arising from the incompatibility between one paradigm based on nation-states and another paradigm based on linguistic, cultural, or âVolkstumâ membership (Volkstum or âfolkdomâ refers to the entire utterances of an ethnic collective over time). However, German and Austrian revisionists and âVolkstumâ-oriented political activists were particularly outspoken in lambasting the âGeneva systemâ from the very start as representing a despised liberalism fixated on nation-states and an internationalism based on âGleichmachereiâ (âforcing all to be the sameâ), which they branded as being too âWesternâ (as opposed to Central European) as well as âformaldemokratischâ (âdemocratic in form onlyâ). For example, Karl Christian von Loesch, departmental chair of Volkstum Studies and Volksgruppen Issues at the Foreign Studies Faculty of the University of Berlin since 1940,4 spoke disparagingly in 1935 of a âliberal age, with its disorderliness in the relations between Völker, which the Geneva Statesâ Club was incapable of resolvingâ (Völker is the plural of Volk). According to him, it was only through ââthinking in terms of Völkerâ and National Socialismâs fundamental rejection of assimilationâ that a âsuitable foundation has been created ⊠for the Völker themselves to become the building blocks of political structures facilitating the greater good and stability.â5 In a speech delivered at the Twelfth European Nationalitiesâ Congress (held in Geneva on 16 and 17 September 1936), the lawyer Hans Neuwirth (a politician who in 1935 had switched from the Christian Socialist Party to Konrad Henleinâs Sudeten German Party in the Czechoslovak parliament) was in agreement when he called for the ârecognition of Volkspersönlichkeiten [Volk as a collective person], as the foundation for further European development,â while also stressing reassuringly that he did not mean âanything like the changing of a territorial status,â but instead new forms of constitutional law and international law â which was something no less radical.6
During the 1920s, as questions of political order were being considered by German and Austrian scholars and activists addressing nationalities issues, they developed the idea of âKonnationaleâ (âco-nationalsâ), which emphasized the ties between groups from ostensibly the same ânationâ or âVolkstumâ. The proponents of this âco-nationalsâ concept were striving to establish it as a new, internationally binding legal paradigm,7 which would benefit first and foremost the various German âVolksgruppenâ that existed in other state territories. This was a legal principle that was no longer based purely on relations between states, but one that also considered the links between âVolksgruppenâ, a paradigm partially rooted in notions of the medieval Personenverbandsstaat (a state prioritizing feudalistic interpersonal obligations over strictly territorial claims) as well as other older traditions of natural law, particularly those found in regions of German influence and settlement. âDeutschtumâ activists (âGerman-domâ activists, who promoted ethnic German interests) viewed legislated agreements on the cultural autonomy of constituent nationalities (such as the one implemented in Estonia in 1925) as a fundamental legal instrument towards realizing a âsupranational Volksgemeinschaftâ (the latter term referring to an âethnonational communityâ).8
The reorientation of German initiatives addressing nationalities policies became clear at the Berliner Schlussbesprechung (âBerlin Final Discussionâ),9 which took place in March 1928 with over 170 participants representing various âDeutschtumâ associations, scholarly institutions, and governmental bodies, thereby concluding a longer series of âpolicy consultations on eastern issuesâ that had begun in early 1927. On 17 March 1928, the participants of the Berliner Schlussbesprechung ratified their âEuropean goals,â declaring that âJust as the eighteenth century brought recognition of âhuman rightsâ for every individual [note the quotation marks], so must the twentieth century bring recognition of âVolk rightsâ for every Volk entity.â10 The ideas outlined here were in fact very much âDeutschtum-centric,â as made clear by a particular passage in the âBasic Principles for Future Work in the Eastâ formulated shortly before, which the Deutscher Schutzbund fĂŒr die Grenz- und Auslandsdeutschen (German Defence League for Frontier Germans and Germans Abroad) had labeled âNot for publication!â The second part of these âBasic Principlesâ stated that one urgent task was to build legal structures that more strongly
arise from German legal thought and the German position of responsibility within the Central European region. The groundwork for this projected reform of the state paradigm should be laid through the corresponding intellectual swaying of public opinion in all countries that come into consideration.11
In right-wing intellectual circles in Germany after World War I â and even to a large extent within its bourgeois liberal camp â the idea of the âchosennessâ of the German Volk, with its âcentral positionâ in Europe, was as equally widespread as the idea of a German âCentral Europeanâ mission, which involved the âself-defensive struggleâ against Bolshevism and/or against the self-determination rights of so-called small Völker and nations.12 An example of this can be found in a 1928 magazine article by Rudolf Brandsch, chair of the Verband der deutschen Volksgruppen in Europa (Association of German Ethnic Groups in Europe). In his view, the
German Volksgruppen were chosen by destiny to form a strong nucleus â in the midst of the onslaught of eastern chaos, in the midst of impotent Kleinstaaterei [âsmall-state fragmentationâ] and the most deplorable of economic and cultural turmoil â so that it can bring together these various energies that will form, in the future Europe, the bulwark of law, justice and freedom.13
The idea of âVolksgruppen rightsâ became increasingly important in Germanyâs domestic politics too, even before the National Socialist rise to power. For example, the parliamentary contingent of the Deutschnationale Volkspartei(German National Peopleâs Party) proposed the following resolution on 10 December 1930:
The Reichstag should resolve:
[to petition] the Reich government to appoint a committee ⊠that, in view of the upcoming negotiations of the European Committee at the League of Nations, will take up the drafting of legislation (in accordance with Article 4 of the Reich constitution) for those German Volksgruppen that have been assigned by international treaties to the state of an alien Volk. This legislation is to safeguard the rights that the Volksgruppen and their members are entitled to, not only in regards to the potential relationships between them and the state of their Volk, but also between them and the alien state.14
Alongside these efforts to draw up legal frameworks for relations between nationalities, Völker, and states, there was also a tendency among ethnopolitical thinkers to invoke the trailblazing role of Germans in the âVolkstum struggle.â For example, in 1932 the sociologist Max Hildebert Boehm (who founded a âVolk theoryâ largely argued along ethnic/cultural lines)15 went so far as to describe German âVolksgruppenâ as âthe Freikorps [volunteer troops] of the militant Volk concept in Europe and the world.â16 However, the real militancy of German âVolksgruppenâ in Europe would only emerge after Germanyâs withdrawal from the League of Nations in October 1933, and further increase after the so-called Sudeten crisis.17
In his agenda-defining essay entitled âMinorities Protections or Volksgruppen Rights?â Gustav Adolf Walz â the rector of Breslau University and a National Socialist scholar of constitutional and international law â highlighted the basic political and philosophical contradiction between the two legal paradigms cited in his essay title: âIn opposition to Gleichartigkeit [equalness] as the dominant principle that structures the liberal world, there now arises Artgleichheit [conspecificity] as the grouping principle of the emerging v...
Inhaltsverzeichnis
Zitierstile fĂŒr A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler
APA 6 Citation
[author missing]. (2018). A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler (1st ed.). Taylor and Francis. Retrieved from https://www.perlego.com/book/1383003/a-new-nationalist-europe-under-hitler-concepts-of-europe-and-transnational-networks-in-the-national-socialist-sphere-of-influence-19331945-pdf (Original work published 2018)
Chicago Citation
[author missing]. (2018) 2018. A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler. 1st ed. Taylor and Francis. https://www.perlego.com/book/1383003/a-new-nationalist-europe-under-hitler-concepts-of-europe-and-transnational-networks-in-the-national-socialist-sphere-of-influence-19331945-pdf.
Harvard Citation
[author missing] (2018) A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler. 1st edn. Taylor and Francis. Available at: https://www.perlego.com/book/1383003/a-new-nationalist-europe-under-hitler-concepts-of-europe-and-transnational-networks-in-the-national-socialist-sphere-of-influence-19331945-pdf (Accessed: 14 October 2022).
MLA 7 Citation
[author missing]. A New Nationalist Europe Under Hitler. 1st ed. Taylor and Francis, 2018. Web. 14 Oct. 2022.