This book explores punk lives in contemporary China. Discussion about punk is currently thriving in academia, and focusing on Chinese punk can be regarded as in line with this trend. That said, the general lack of discussion about punk phenomena in Asian contexts demands attention since local distinctiveness could provide a possible avenue for new interpretation. With this book, we seek to address this gap somewhat, primarily by presenting biographies of Chinese punk musicians, the specific society in which they are situated, and how the use of technology contributes to the development of the punk phenomenon in China. The scope of the research also extends further, to examination of the Chinese punk phenomenon in a global context and comparison with other non-Anglo-American societies where the phenomena are mostly neglected.
Introducing Punk
It is hard to define ‘punk’ with any single definition. The word ‘punk’ began as US jargon describing certain groups of youngsters at the bottom of the social structure, such as ‘hobos’ and ‘black homosexuals’ (Laing 1978, 2015: 124). It gained wider recognition only with its application to music. First it denoted a New York music scene, and then, with developments in the British music scene (related mainly to the London-based scene) and following the Sex Pistols, it gained global visibility.
Sara Thompson (2004) proposes approaching the punk phenomenon in terms of genres of punk textuality and the concept of the punk scene. While the first of these two facets is related to music, style, fanzines, and events, the latter covers a series of major punk scenes. To be specific, the punk scene started in 1974–1976 in New York, continuing with the second-wave English scene, which arose in London in 1976–1978. The third major wave was the Californian hardcore scene of 1978–1982, with the later emergence of the straight-edge hardcore scene in America.
Considering the profound development and prominence of punk in the histories of Anglo-American societies, one should not be surprised to find that most of the academic work focuses on punk phenomena in those societies. For instance, in Dick Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style (1979), the cultural meanings of the punk phenomenon have famously been discussed, and that discussion then contributed to the subcultural studies carried out at the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS ). Later studies expanded the research scope by exploring the lived experiences of punks (e.g., Furness 2012; Leblanc 1999; Williams 2011), thereby addressing the problem of sparseness of empirical evidence that once existed in the CCCS approach to subcultural studies.
Regarding the punk phenomenon in the West, Stephen Duncombe and Maxwell Tremblay (2011) in their book White Riot: Punk Rock and the Politics of Race state that white punk’s rejection of whiteness creates a universal sense of subcultural citizenship in terms of building up an alternative and do-it-yourself style. Punk is also largely seen as representing a ‘benchmark for rupture towards the existing social structure’ in Western societies (Guerra and Silva 2015: 207) and as expressing a desire for social change (Copes and Williams 2007; Haenfler 2004). Fundamentally, punk musicians’ philosophy may be summed up best by Craig O’Hara (1999: 71), who describes it as ‘a belief formed around the anarchist principles of having no official government or rules, and valuing individual freedom and responsibility (who doesn’t[?])’.
While similarities exist in many respects in a global context—for example, in punk philosophy, genre, and style—and punk has become a global cultural resource with which particular political desires can be pursued, the development of the punk phenomenon in additional societies has generated new modes of appropriation and localisation. For instance, recent discussions of Portuguese punks (see Guerra 2014) or punks in South Asian countries such as Indonesia (see Donaghey 2016) explore how an authoritarian social context can shape the punk phenomenon in contrast to patterns in democratic societies.
It seems certain that, wherever emerging, punk has represented rupture and repositioning the existing social structure. Punk was always more than merely a way of dressing or songs: it is an un-submissive attitude that challenges the status quo and gives visibility to unsatisfied youth (Colegrave and Sullivan 2002). After 1978, many proclaimed the death of punk, though this was little more than a symbolic death. In fact, what happened was restructuring and globalisation of the punk movement (Masters 2007).
Interpreting Chinese Society
It has been argued that, to better understand a cultural phenomenon, one needs to understand the distinctive characteristics of the social context that the cultural form exists in. Accordingly, this section introduces one theoretical approach to interpreting Chinese society : in terms of Confucianism. Confucian or Neo-Confucian philosophy once dominated Chinese society, and it still plays a significant role (Yin 2002; Hwang 2013; Leung and Nann 1995). In Yongshun Cai’s (2010) description, the central party state prioritises the building and maintaining of a harmonious and stable society that uses Confucian philosophy as a source of legitimacy. Joe C. B. Leung (2010), for instance, attributes the psychological and social beliefs of Chinese people to Confucian philosophy, as does Ian Weber (2002), who discussed the collective behaviour of people in China within the framework of Confucianism. According to Keumjoong Hwang (2013), Confucian philosophy is without doubt the most influential philosophical system of thought in East Asia. Nevertheless, he argues that the status of Confucianism is declining on account of the rise of Western power and a lack of desire to revive its value.
It is true that Confucian philosophy has not explicitly maintained its position in framing the dominant moral standards of Chinese society. Nevertheless, it continues to play a significant role in that society (Yin 2002), and recognising the conflicts and struggles that Confucian philosophy is beset with in practice does not necessitate denying the influence of that philosophy. As Leung and Richard C. Nann (1995) suggest, discussing certain concepts related to Confucian philosophy can be highly relevant when one considers the status quo in modern Chinese society. Therefore, we address a set of concepts derived from Confucian philosophy here. Key among these is family, the core concept in Confucian philosophy (Yin 2002). Leung and Nann (1995: 1) have described it as, accordingly, forming the basis for the social, economic, and political structure of traditional Chinese society through small family groups. The father image, for instance, is especially strongly constructed in a family and serves as an authoritarian figure. In Leung and Nann’s (1995) analysis, the principle of filial piety (Xiao, or 孝) encompasses not only the moral obligation that junior members have to fulfil but also a reciprocal system. The elderly, for instance, are in the position of disciplining nonconformists and arranging the careers, marriages, and so on of the younger members of the group. In fact, the elderly exercise ultimate control over junior members and maintain domestic order. Considering the family in a broader sense, Leung and Nann (1995: 2) argued thus:
The family in China served as the prototype of all social organisations[,] including that of government. This stemmed from Confucian principles which prescribed an hierarchical order of status and roles, and a clearly defined system of vertical relationships within society.
The relationship between the state and the individual follows the same principle, since the state serves as ultimate authority figure. From another perspective, a conforming society with a hierarchical system is formed with the state and the elderly identified as the ones at the top of the social hierarchy. It is this feature of conformity that also builds a ‘we’ network, which forms the basis of a collective culture. As Weber (2002) remarks, sentiments such as the idea that a person should help others establish themselves before seeking his or her own establishment appear in Confucian thinking. Hence, Chinese society is defined as a society framed by ‘we’ culture and a collectivist system.
The concept of collectivism determines the arrangement of social interaction in Chinese society. Though there is an inherent dependence on individuals, a rigid social framework is formed. In the words of Weber (2002: 352),
[p]eople count on their in-group (family, relative, clan, or organisation) for support. Thus, the in-group becomes the major source of identity. Within this social structure, collective interests prevail over individual interests, identity is based on social networks, children learn to think in terms of ‘we’, harmony is maintained, and direct confrontation avoided.
This in-group can be expanded into a larger network, such as a neighbourhood or acquaintances. The basic di...