The Oslo Accords 1993–2013

A Critical Assessment

Petter Bauck, Mohammed Omer, Petter Bauck, Mohammed Omer

• Éditeur: The American University in Cairo Press
• Année: 2013
• ISBN:
  9781617973369
• Sujet: History
• Sous-sujet: Middle Eastern History

SHORTLISTED FOR THE 2017 PALESTINE BOOK AWARDS An assessment of the landmark Oslo Accords of 1993 more than two decades on Twenty years have passed since Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization concluded the Oslo Accords, or Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements for Palestine. It was declared "a political breakthrough of immense importance." Israel officially accepted the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and the PLO recognized the right of Israel to exist.

Critical views were voiced at the time about how the self-government established under the leadership of Yasser Arafat created a Palestinian-administered Israeli occupation, rather than paving the way towards an independent Palestinian state with substantial economic funding from the international community.

Through a number of essays written by renowned scholars and practitioners, the two decades since the Oslo Accords are scrutinized from a wide range of perspectives. Did the agreement have a reasonable chance of success? What went wrong, causing the treaty to derail and delay a real, workable solution? What are the recommendations today to show a way forward for the Israelis and the Palestinians?

The Oslo Accords 1993-2013: A Critical Assessment

Table of Contents

1. Contributors
2. Foreword Desmond Tutu
3. Foreword Össur Skarphéðinsson
4. Introduction
5. 1. The Oslo Accords: Their Context, Their Consequences
   1. References
6. 2. Revisiting 1967: The False Paradigm of Peace, Partition, and Parity
   1. A. The University on the Hill
   2. B. The Government on the Hill
   3. C. The Bureaucracy on the Hill
   4. D. The False Paradigm of Peace
   5. References
7. 3. Champions of Peace? Tools in Whose Hands? Norwegians and Peace Brokering in the Middle East
   1. A. The Political Past
   2. B. The Negotiations in the Oslo Back Channel
   3. C. Norway’s Role and the Asymmetry of Power
   4. References
8. 4. The Oslo Accords and Palestinian Civil Society
   1. A. Civil Society Prior to the Accords
   2. B. The Oslo Accords and the Aftermath
   3. C. Facing Failed Democracy and Donor Agendas
   4. D. Civil Society Preparing for the Twenty-Year Anniversary of the Oslo Accords
   5. References
9. 5. “We Have Opened Doors, Others Have Been Closed”: Women under the Oslo Accords
   1. A. A Long History of Struggle
   2. B. Hanan Ashrawi, One of the Pioneers
   3. C. Double Oppression: Occupation and Patriarchy
   4. D. Amal Syam, Women’s Affairs Center
   5. E. Mona Shawwa, Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR)
   6. F. Increasing Family Violence
   7. G. No Legal or Physical Protection
   8. H. Economic Violence
   9. I. Divorce on the Rise
   10. J. A Law of Empty Words
   11. K. Maisoun Qawasmi, Political Challenger
   12. L. Working through Men
   13. M. Kholoud Al Faqeeh, First Female Sharia Judge
   14. N. Making a Difference
   15. O. Influential Feminists
   16. Bibliography
10. 6. Oslo +20: A Legal Historical Perspective
    1. A. Points of Departure
    2. B. Recovering the 1993 Outlook
    3. C. Oslo Beyond Oslo: The Roadmap and the Quartet
    4. D. Concluding Remarks
    5. References
11. 7. A Legal Perspective on Oslo
    1. References
12. 8. The Oslo Accords: A Common Savior for Israel and the PLO in Exile?
    1. A. An Election Well Overdue
    2. B. A Divided Fatah
    3. C. Emergence of a New Leadership
    4. D. New Challenges for the Occupier and the Palestinian Leadership in Exile
    5. E. Common Strategic Interests?
    6. F. Joint Interests and Different Visions
    7. G. Lack of Results and Extensive Corruption
    8. H. Election in the Shadow of Oslo
    9. I. The Palestinian Legislative Council Elections in 2006
    10. J. The Election Results
    11. K. A Challenging Future and Possible Stumbling Blocks
    12. L. Concluding Remarks
    13. References
13. 9. Out of the Ashes of Oslo: The Rise of Islamism and the Fall of Favoritism
    1. A. The Roots of Islamism
    2. B. The Oslo Accords: A Pyrrhic Victory
    3. C. The Second Uprising: The al-Aqsa Intifada
    4. D. Municipal Elections: An Islamist Triumph
    5. E. The Second Legislative Elections: Islamists Take Part
    6. F. The International Community’s Dilemma
    7. G. National Non-Consensus
    8. H. Al-Furqan War: Renewed Resistance while Reconciliation Lingers
    9. I. Hamas: Resilient, Resurrected
    10. J. Oslo’s Failure, the Islamists’ Gain
14. 10. Hamas in Transition: The Failure of Sanctions
    1. A. Introduction
    2. B. Gradual Steps toward Moderation
    3. C. Hamas and Democracy
    4. D. From Boycott to Participation
    5. E. The Burden of Victory
    6. F. Hamas’ Approach to Israel
    7. G. Hamas’ Receptiveness to External Pressure
    8. H. Conclusion
    9. References
15. 11. Palestinian Prisoners from Oslo to Annapolis
    1. A. Introduction
    2. B. Palestinian and Israeli Perspectives on the Prisoner Issue
    3. C. The Israeli Position during Negotiations
    4. D. The Palestinian Position on the Prisoner Issue
    5. E. The Prisoner Issue in the Gaza-Jericho Negotiations
    6. F. The Prisoner Issue in the Taba Agreement
    7. G. The Prisoner Issue in the Wye River Negotiations
    8. H. The Prisoner Issue in the Sharm al-Sheikh Agreement
    9. I. The Prisoner Issue after the Collapse of the Peace Process at Camp David
    10. J. Concluding Remarks
16. 12. Some Gaza Impressions, Twenty Years after Oslo
    1. A. Who Is to Blame?
    2. B. Future of Negotiations
    3. C. Unbalanced Equation
    4. D. Gazans Still Doubt
    5. E. Oslo Good for Some
    6. F. Anesthetization for Palestinians
    7. G. Counterpart to Failure
17. 13. The Shattered Dream
18. 14. Palestinian Identity in the Aftermath of Oslo
    1. A. The Palestinian Created by Oslo
    2. B. Oslo and the Abortion of the First Intifada
    3. C. Oslo’s Damage to National Identity
    4. D. The Cancellation of the Palestinian National Covenant
    5. E. Oslo and the Right of Return
    6. F. Oslo’s Institutionalization of Division
    7. G. Oslo and Economic Dependency
    8. H. Oslo’s Weakening of National Belonging
    9. I. A Social Failure
    10. J. The Osloization of the Palestinian Mind
    11. K. Oslo’s Damage to the Revolutionary Spirit
    12. L. There Is Still Hope
    13. References
19. 15. Israeli Impunity
    1. A. Still Killing—After All These Years
    2. B. Jumana
    3. C. The Story Was True
    4. D. Amal
    5. E. “1948–2009”
    6. F. Sanctions, not Impunity
    7. G. Facts on the Siege of Gaza
    8. References
20. 16. Public and Primary Healthcare before and after the Oslo Accords: A Personal Reflection
    1. A. Background to the Norwegian Red Cross
    2. B. The Middle East and Palestine/Israel
    3. C. The Palestine Red Crescent Society, Focusing on Public and Primary Healthcare
    4. D. Health Delegate Supporting the PRCS
    5. E. The Political Situation and Its Consequences for Public and Primary Health in 1998–2000
    6. F. The Second Intifada, September 2000 Onward
    7. G. Recent Years
    8. H. What Have the Oslo Accords Meant for Public Healthcare?
    9. References
21. 17. Facts in the Air: Palestinian Media Expression since Oslo
    1. A. The Early Years
    2. B. Hypersurveillance
    3. C. Media Assistance
    4. D. Repercussions
    5. References
22. 18. Networking Palestine: The Development and Limitations of Television and Telecommunications since 1993
    1. A. Constricted Self-Determination
    2. B. Oslo Im/possibilities
       1. 1. Television
       2. 2. Telecommunications
    3. C. Conclusion
    4. References
23. 19. The European Union and Israel since Oslo
    1. A. Deep Diplomatic Relations
    2. B. Support for the Occupation
    3. C. A Change in Course Is both Necessary and Possible
    4. D. Sanctions Can Work
    5. References
24. 20. A War of Ideas: The American Media on Israel and Palestine Post Oslo
    1. A. Media and Perception since Oslo
    2. B. American Media
    3. C. A Sampling of the Players
       1. 1. American Monitors
       2. 2. Israeli Monitors
    4. D. Euphemisms, Obfuscations, and Omissions
    5. E. War of Ideas: Why?
    6. F. Reporting on the Middle East
    7. G. Christian Media
    8. H. Origins of Christian Zionism
    9. I. Conclusion
    10. References
25. 21. Corporate Complicity in Human Rights Abuses under Oslo
    1. A. Types of Corporate Exploitation of the Occupation
       1. 1. Settlement Industry
       2. 2. Exploitation and Population Control
       3. 3. Best-Known Complicit Corporations
    2. B. Legal Challenges to Corporate Complicity in Israeli Violations of International Law
       1. 1. Alien Tort Statute
       2. 2. United States: Corrie v. Caterpillar, Inc.
       3. 3. Canada: Bil’in v. Green Park
       4. 4. France: Alstom and Veolia
       5. 5. Market-Based Mechanisms: Boycotts and Divestment
    3. C. Conclusion
    4. References

Contributors

Haakon Aars is a medical doctor and specialist in psychiatry and clinical sexology. He also holds an MA in public health. He worked as a general practitioner for many years before he entered the field of psychiatry. He was also a producer of health information programs for Norwegian television and radio and a columnist for Norwegian papers and periodicals. He is the author of Men's Sexuality (2011) and the co-author of three medical textbooks. Aars was Health Delegate for the International Federation of the Red Cross/Red Crescent Societies in Palestine from 1998 to 2001. He now works at the Institute for Clinical Sexology and Therapy in Oslo.

Ahmed Abu Rtema is a journalist and author based in Gaza. Hundreds of his articles focusing on political and intellectual issues have been published by Arabic media outlets. In 2009 Abu Rtema was a correspondent for the London-based Al-Hewar satellite channel and his documentaries have been broadcast on Al Jazeera Documentary. He is known among Palestinians for his initiative for the peaceful return of Palestinian refugees in 2011.

Sufian Abu Zaida has a PhD in Middle East Politics from Exeter University, UK. From February 2005 until the establishment of the Hamas government, he served as minister of prisoners and ex-prisoners' affairs. In addition, from December 2005, he served as minister of civil affairs. He has served as a member of the Palestinian delegation responsible for negotiations for the release of Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails. Abu Zaida served as director of MA programs at al-Quds University in Gaza in 2006–2007. From 2008, he was head of the Culture of Peace Committee as part of the Palestinian negotiation team. He teaches at al-Quds and Birzeit universities. Since 2010, he has been head of the Gaza for Political and Strategic Studies think tank.

Petter Bauck holds an MA in Violence, Conflict, and Development from the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London. He served as deputy head of the Norwegian Representative Office to the Palestinian Authority from 2000 to 2003. At present, he is senior adviser on conflict-related issues in the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad). He has published several books and...