popular romance criticism has a somewhat problematic reputation in this regard: many older studies â like the ones by Ann Snitow, Tania Modleski, and Janice Radway â make quite general claims about the entire genre of âtheâ popular romance novel despite being based on rather small and/or undiversified corpi.
In essence then, one of the most âimportantâ critiques of earlier popular romance criticism is at the level of its methods, more than its findings (although the findings, we are told, are also problematic). But the suggestion is that had the methods been different, so too would the findings have been different. Time and again, scholars are critiqued for the methods that underpin their study.
I am perhaps sensitive to this argument because I have also been a recipient of this criticism. On her blog, Romance Novels for Feminists, Jackie Horne critiques my article âTheorising Male Virginity in Popular Romance Novelsâ (2011). She writes:
In the course of his article, Allan uses only a handful of books to map out the entire territory of virgin male romance hero-land. Allan thus seems to repeat a move that many of the earliest students of popular romance have been rightly criticized for: creating a topographical map without accurately surveying the wider genre.
When I published that article, I have to admit I thought I had done a good job and distinguished myself from my precursors. Evidently, Horne found my article to be like those of Modleski, Snitow, Radway, and others â today, I might take that as a compliment. Admittedly, I did only quote a âhandful of booksâ; the bibliography shows well over a dozen titles, but most of those were merely named. Analysis of these novels consisted of a sample size of half a dozen; a small sample size, to be certain. But, at the time, nothing had been written on male virginity in popular romance fiction (and, as far as I know, nothing has been written on the topic since).
Since being âcalled outâ for ârepeat[ing] a move that many of the earliest students have been rightly criticized for,â I have thought about the methodological questions that haunt the study of popular romance. A part of me wished at the time that someone would just tell me exactly how many novels to study; clearly Snitowâs six novels were not enough but neither were Mussellâs eighty. So what is enough? And when is enough enough? For instance, as far as I can tell, very few have called into question Regisâ corpus size, which consists of 37 novels written between 1692 and 1999, representing a total of 15 authors, and yet she is able to define the entire genre from that sample size â a definition which has been accepted by many scholars, including myself. Accordingly, this chapter sets out to offer some thoughts on how to study the popular romance novel. This chapter should not be read as definitive but rather as exploratory and as a critique of the now common critique that one has not read enough, not read widely enough, or, for instance, that one only studies âcontemporaryâ romances (as Men, Masculinities, and Popular Romance does). Indeed, I am arguing against the idea that âsize matters,â wherein the critic wields the size of their corpus like a phallic object.
Given how often method is called upon in critiquing popular romance studies, I must admit that I am surprised to realise how little the âfieldâ has to say about method. In New Approaches to Popular Romance Fiction: Critical Essays (2012), the word âmethodâ or âmethodologyâ does not appear in the index. Indeed, each use of the word âmethodâ in the book refers not to the methods deployed by the author but to either a quotation (pp. 34, 35, 43) or an engagement with someone elseâs method (p. 207) â in this case, that of Janice Radway. Likewise, in Romance Fiction and American Culture: Love as the Practice of Freedom (2016), the word âmethodâ again does not appear in the index, nor does it seemingly appear in the text at all. So how important, then, is method to popular romance scholars if two of the most recent anthologies of scholarly essays fail to account for method? In some ways, then, this chapter is an answer to this question insofar as I set out to describe some of the methodological challenges of a book like Men, Masculinities, and Popular Romance.
The study of the popular romance is the study of genre, one that is highly productive. Regis notes that âin 1999, for example, more than 2,500 romances were published in North America, accounting for 55.9 percent of mass market and trade paperbacks sold,â and that
in the twentieth century alone, thousands of American authors wrote and published in the tens of thousands of romance novels. In 2007, the latest year for which there are data, the number of romance titles published in North America had risen to 8,090.
(2011a: p. 847)
One can only assume that these numbers have increased even more, especially with the rise of the e-book, e-publishing, and self-publishing. To study the popular romance, then, is to study a field that produces far more than any single reader could ever read; indeed, even reading one percent of the books published in 2007 would require one to read 81 novels, more than Mussellâs sample size; to read ten percent of those novels would be to read over 800 novels.
Instead of arguing about the quantitative, perhaps critics of the romance might instead think in terms of saturation of data, which has long been âthe key to excellent qualitative workâ (Morse, 1995: p. 147). The question, of course, is how does one know when the data has become saturated? âMargaret Mead is purported to note that one index of saturation was the boredom that occurred when investigators had âheard it all,ââ writes Janice M. Morse (1995: p. 147). Data saturation for Morse should not be understood as âfrequencyâ (1995: p. 148); instead, âresearchers cease data collection when they have enough data to build a comprehensive and convincing theory. That is, saturation occursâ (Morse, 1995: p. 148). The point here is not to number crunch either the number of times a given thing is repeated or the number of samples studied but rather to produce a âcomprehensive and convincing theoryâ based on the data collected. It is important here to recall that theory, almost by definition, is falsifiable. The critic may do better to critique not the method but the theory itself. A critic, thus, would be better to prove that the theory proposed by the data is problematic, or demonstrate how the theory is wrong, rather than suggest that not enough data was collected (unless, of course, a rule is written on when enough data is enough).
In my own understanding of genre, then, I would largely agree with Northrop Fryeâs approach in Anatomy of Criticism (1996â2012: vol. 22), which sought to provide a scientific study of literature, and with his more particular approach to romance in his The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of Romance (1996â2012: vol. 18). Before reading Anatomy of Criticism, which has, in the words of Brian G. Caraher, been ârelegated to the archives of modern literary criticismâ (2006: p. 30), I do wish to pause to realise just how influential Fryeâs work was before it was ârelegated to the archivesâ and how influential it continues to be. Which is to say, though Anatomy of Criticism may be archival, it is not covered in dust waiting to be rediscovered. Scholars continue to read Frye, and this is especially true of scholars of romance. In his book, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act, Marxist literary critic Fredric Jameson writes that âFryeâs theory of romance [âŠ] is the fullest account of the genreâ (1981: p. 110). Corinne Saunders in her introduction to A Companion to Romance: From Classical to Contemporary writes that the âmost influential in developing a grammar of romance has been Northrop Fryeâ (2007: p. 2). David Fuller, echoing Saunders, refers to Frye as âone of the most influential critics of the modeâ (2007: p. 166), and Raymond H. Thompson writes that Frye is âthe most influential among theoreticiansâ (2007: p. 456). Even in disagreement, critics like Doris Sommer have to admit that âFryeâs observations about masculine and feminine ideals are to the point; they point backward to medieval quest-romance where victory meant fertility, the union of male and female heroesâ (1991: p. 49). It would seem Fryeâs definition of romance is the one from which studies of romance should depart. Accordingly, this study continues in that tradition, but this should not be read as blind loyalty and fidelity to Northrop Fryeâs theories of romance.
In Fryeâs Anatomy of Criticism, what connects one text to another is the part(s) of the text that are repeated, or what he calls âarchetypes.â For Frye, an archetype is a âtypical or recurring image,â which is âa symbol which connects one poem with another and thereby helps to unify and integrate our literary experienceâ (1996â2012: vol. 22, p. 99). Frye explains,
And as the archetype is the communicable symbol, archetypal criticism is primarily concerned with literature as a social fact and as a mode of communication. By the study of conventions and genres, it attempts to fit poems into the body of poetry as a whole.
(1996â2012: vol. 22, p. 99)
The keyword here for scholars of popular romance in Fryeâs method is âattempts.â The scholar who pays attention to archetypes attempts to fit a given text into the whole of that body. To do this, he or she focuses on the parts of the text that are repeated and repeating. This does not negate the new and innovative ways an archetype might be used, but it does insist upon the repetition of those archetypes, which are, then, essential to the genre. If we pay attention to Regisâ work, she identifies many âessential elementsâ of the genre and argues that these âessential elementsâ will appear in all popular romance novels: âwhether the romance takes place in America or Great Britain, and whether an American or British cultural sensibility informs the plot, it is the courtship that makes a romance,â writes Regis (2003: p. 159).
Perhaps an even clearer example of this phenomenon is that in A Natural History of the Romance Novel, where Regis imagined the popular romance novel as uniquely heterosexual. In recent work, however, Regis has expanded her definition to account for the vastness of human sexuality and desire: â[S]ome of the more recent romances feature a courtship between two heroines, between two heroes, or among two heroes and a heroineâ (2011a: p. 849). Of course, even this definition still relies on a certain heteronormativity in its insistence upon hero and he...